(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society"

,.006 
i5p 

:i 
.1 

^^^^"^ REYNOLDS HISTORICAL 

GENEALOGY COLLECTION 



ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 00824 5976 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2012 



http://archive.org/details/proceedingsofamev21amer 



Y'4d 7 . 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



NEW SERIES, VOL. XXI. y. ^ | 



Al'RlL 12, I'Jll— UCTUlUaj 18, I'Jil. 






iftiC'i' 



14 









"jitA. 



WORCESTER, WA.SSACIIUSETTS, U.S.A. 

rUHLlSlIED BY THE SOCLEI'Y 

1011. 



nil 



78 6 8 65 12 



^1 



2C132€3 



PROCEEDINGS 



OP THE 



American Antiquarian 
Society 



^^ 






.^ J 



COMMITTEE OF PUFJLICATION. 



FRANKLIN 1'. IlICE, CHARLES L. NICHOLS, 

GEORGE H. IIAYNES, " JULIUS LL TtlTTLE. 



V"--i 






pi 



THE DAVIS J'RESS ■ 



vO C -? I. "/ 



C0NT1j]NTS. 



I 

i ~" 

i Note ui' Committkk ok I^ulslioation vii 

t)Fi''icn:i!.s ANJ) Mkmuicus ok Tin: .SoCIK'J'V IX-.\XVI 

I 

; SEMI-ANNUAL MEE'J'INC, AP]{J.L 12, 1!J]1. 

i 

; PuooKJODiNGs AT THE IMeetino .' 1 

liKI'Oll'l' OF TliK CouN(;ii- 6 

OjiiriiAUiES ; 10 

Some New Jicrsey Piunteks anu PitiNTiNU iN tjie Ek.uteen'I'u 
' CwNTUitY Willunii Ndsim 15 

i 'l')iK SiiAYs Rebellion And/cw McF. Davh 5"7 

:. The Value of Ancient Mexii'an ManlI-sciui'T.s in tjijo Study 

OF THE CeNEUAL DeVEL01'MI':N'I' ok W'jdl'lNO 

! Alfnd M. TiKztr 80 

» 'I'UE IIuLL-EaTON CoUltE.SPONDENf.'E 103 

'i ■ . . 

; ANNUAL MEICTLNC, OCTOBER Ks, i'.Ul. 

j PitOCI'IKIHNOS AT TIIIO MeETINU 131 

i ]{Ei'oiri' OF T'lii; CouNi'iL loS 

1 

1 OlilTUAItlES 1-16 

i, ■ . ReimjkT of TliIO TliEASUltElt 155 

i • Rl;i'OllT OF THE LllJKAltlAN 101 

f 

1 List of Donoiis 177 

(' 

■ ■ The Place of New Ench.anu in the IIi.stcjuy of Vvitchckaft 

I (leorfjc L. Burr 185 

The Ruins at Tiahdanaco, Bolivia, Adoliih F. liditddi.cr 218- 

I Some Biulioguai'Iiical Desiuekata in Aaieuican JTisi'oity 

J ■ William MacDoiiiild 200 

) A KiNULiEii Light on Eakly Si-ani.sh Rule in Ameuica 

Edwiird II. 'rhninp^on '111 

Asia ani> AMioiiiCA Joltana Uconj Kohl 284 

f Index 'SM 



vr 



LIST OF PLATES. ■ 

New Library Building 1 

Interior View of New Building o 

Humboldt Manusciupt.s, I'ijATE 1 84. 

Mendoza Codex, Plates H-V 8(i , 

Page from Velades, Plate VI ' gg 

Page from Peadody Museum MS., Plate VU 88 

Letter op William Eaton, 1807 119 

Floor Plan of New Building 102 



NOTE 



The twenty-first volume of the present Bcrics coatalnn the reconla of the 
Proceedings from April 12 to October 18, 1911. 

The reports of the Council have been i)resented by Samuel Swott 
Green and Andrew Mcl'\ Davis. 

Papers have been received from William Nelson, Andrew McF, Davis, 
Alfred M. Tozzer, George L. Burr, Adolph F. Bandelier, William Mac- 
Donald, and Edward II. Thompson. 

Obituary notices of the following deceased members ajjpear in this 
volume: Morton Dexter, James Frothingham Ilunni^wdl, Leonard 
Parker Kinnicutt, Francis Cabot Lowell, Alexander Hamilton Vintuu, 
Carroll Davidson Wright and Charles Augustus Cliase. 

COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION. 



f 



COUNCIL 

(Jb' I'Uh] 



Jjtnwfii'ait JJIuHfiUiiiViiTit J^oriefltj 



^1 

Elected Octoiseu 18, 191 I 



Ipi'c'oibent. 

WALDO J.IN(X)Li\\ A.l'>., of WUnTvyAvi, Mass. 

SAMUIOL yVBBOTT CRh^lON, JJ..1)., oi: ISustoii, Muss. 
ANDin^AV MrFARLANl) J)AVI,S, A.M., of Cuinbridge, Mass. 

GounclUoio. 

NATHANIEL PAIN IC, A.M., of Worcester, Mass. ' 
HAMULL SWETT GlIEl'^N, A..M., of Woj'cestui', l\hiss. 
J<;i)WARJJ LIVINCiSTON LAV IS, A.M., of Woiccslcr, Muss. 
CLAN VILLI'] STANLLY HALL, LL.D., of VVorcesler, Mass. 
WILLLVM BABCOClv WEIi l/i'^N, A.M., of I'rovKlciu-c, L. 1. 
•J.'\iVlE,S PHINNIOY JiANTI^lt, Litt.L., of Loifhuid, AL-. 
SAMUl'lL UTLL^Y, LL.L..,of W'oicc -tcr. Muss. 
AirmUU LKLNTlCh; iiVilil, LL.D., of Worcester, Mass. 
CriAliLES (illENLlLL W ASI liUJ liN, A.H., of Worcester, 

Mass. 
CHARLES LEMUEL l^HCIlOl-S, M.D., of Worcester, Mass. 

Scctetarv? toe ifcuiiiKi (JoiiCiipOiiDcncc. 

FRANKLIN IJOWDLrcU Dt:.NTLI{, Lrrr.D., of New Haven, 
Conn. 

Seci'etatp tec i!>omctiUc Ctou'c'ijpoiiDeuce. 
CHARLl'^S FlLANChS AijAAIS, LL.D., of Lincoln, Mass. ' 

TRccorDinfl Secretary, 
CLOOIICI-; PAKKl']i;. WINSLH1^ A.M., of Providence, P. 1. 

Srcaijuvct. 
AUGUSTUS CL]0RC;E bullock, A.M., of Worcester, Ma.ss. 



S;^ 



m 






OV 



OTHER OFFICERS OF THE SOCn*]TY 

: Elected (HTOUEii 18, 1911. 

aommirtee of limbltcatlon. 

FRANKLIN PIERCE RICJi: of Worcester, Mab.s. 
Cil'X)l{OE HENRY llAYNES, Ph.])., of WurceHler, Mass. 
CHARLES LEMUEL NICHOLS, M.D., of Worcester, Mass. 
JULIUS HERBERT TUTTLE, of Dedham, AL-l-^b. 

HuOitore. 

BENJAMIN THOMAS HILL, A.B., of Worcester, Ma.ss. 
HENRY ALEXANDER MARSH, of Worcester, Mass. 

Jfiiiance Committee. 

WALDO LINCOLN, A.B., of Worcester, ]\his3. 
EDWARD LIVINCSTON DA\'IS, A.M., of Worcester, Mass. 
^ _ > ERANCIS HENSHAW DEWEY, A.M., of Worcester, Mass. 

Xibraig Goiiiiiilttee. 

WALDO LINCOLN, A.B., of Worcester, Mass. 
■ NATHANIEL PAINE, A.M., of Worcester, Mass. 

! ., FRANKLIN IT ERC^E RICE of Worcester, Mass. 

Gonimittcc on tbc "iJIaU. 

WALDO LINCOLN, A.IL, of Worce.sier, Mass. 

ED\VARD LIVINGSTON DAVIS, A.I\L, of Worcester, Ma.s.s. 

SAMUEL UTLEY, LL.15., of Worcester, JSla.ss. 

I'^l ■ ■ ■ 

,4 JOlOiiraplicv. 

SAMUEL UTLEY, LL.IL, of Worcester, Mass. 



Xfbiarian. 

CLARENCE SAUNDICRS BRICHAM, A.M., of Worcester, Mass. 
Xibi-ailan J£merltin3. 

EDMUND MILI>S BAR'i^ON of Worcester, Ma.ss. 

Ba0li3tanti3. 
Mrs. MARY ROBINSON REYNOLDS. 

Miss FltANCES BAIiTON BOONE. 

Miss LOUISE COLEGROVE. 



XI 



RESIDENT MEMBERS 

IN THK OaOIlK OF TllEIH 10LL'>CTION. 



October, i860. 

NAME. libHlDUNCt;. 

Nathani1';l Paink, A.M., .... Woi'cester, Mas.s. 

April, 1862. 
HuKACE Davis, LL.D., San Francisco, Cal. 

October, 1865. 
Samxjkl Aitnurr Gkk1'.;n, J^L.lJ., . . Boston, .Muss. 

October, 1867. 

Edwaki) Livingston Davis, A.M., . Worcester, Mass. 
William Addison Sautji, A.M., . . .Worcester, Muss. 

April, 1875. 

1Juiii:i;t Howl IUnckoft, A.M., . . San iMinicisco, Cal. 
Ri;v. I'JMVAUD Henky Hall, D.I)., . Cainbriilge, Mass. 
ALBKiiT Hakuison Hoyt, A.M., . . -Boston, Mass. 

April, 1876. 

CnAKLLS Caud Smith, A.!V1., . . . Boston, Mass. 

October, 1877. 
KoLLHT Alonzo BitocK, Kicliniond, Va. 

October, 1878. 
Edmund Mills I^AirroN, .... Worcester, Mass. 

April, 1879. 
FiiANKLiN BowDrrcii l)]:xT];u, Litt.D., New Haven, Conn. 



XII 



1 



April, i8So. 

Samuel Ssvett CJreen, A.JM., . . . Wom-uicv, i\J;is.s. 



April, 1881. 

I Adoli'h Francis Bandeliek, . N^cw York, N. Y. 

Henry Wielevmson Havnks, A.M., . iJostoii, Muss. 

October, 1881. 

Henry Cahot I.odcj:, J.L.I)., . A'ahiUil, Mas.s. 

Francis Andrew M.\rcii, \).HL., . . luistuii, P:i,. 

■ .. April, 1882. 

Andrew M(,"Fai;i.ami Davis, A.M., . Cainbriil'^e, Masd. 

riTEi'UEN Deni,s(.)N I'eet, I'ieI)., . . .'xilojii, ATass. 

FeI';deri(' AVakd I'u r.\.\M, Sc. i)., . . Caiijbi-iilup, Ma.s.s. 

April, 1884. 

John Baimi McMasti.;i;, \A.A)., . . Pliihuh-lphia, Pa. 

iiirv. JiANii'.fi Mi,i>iih\(.\N, i'.h., . lio.-iuii, .\iass. 

VViEi.iAM H.uiC(](i. W'eeuivN, 7\-.M., I'rovidi'nci.', 1\. F 

Ociobcr, 1881. 

HENin Ada.ms, I,I,.F'., \Vasliiii;rliiii, \). (,'. 

VVjllja.m 1Jai;d1':iN, Kxuaniiali, (la. 

ANDiiKW I'JCKSDN VViirri-;, D.CAj., Ithaca, N. Y. 

April, 1885. 

Rev. Joseph AiN-diokson, J>.lJ., . . . Woodmotit, Conn, 

FlEUIHsN Colto.n, A.B., Boslon, Ma.s,-;. 

Theodore Fjieeenichlivsion Dwuiut, Vaud, Swit^^ia-laiid 

Henry Hi'juiuacj' I'Ides, A..i\1., . . . ('ainhridL'C', i\lass. 

October, 1885. 

. ■ Edwakd Channinc, PieD., .... Caiiibritl;.',!;, Mass. 

April, 1886. 

George Frenezer Frances, M.1)., '\V^orci.v,l(>r, Mass 



i4 



Mil 



October, 1886. 

LiK.'iKN (^\iui, A.iM., 

April, 1887. 
JaMICS PlUNNKV J^AX'i'lOli, J^ri'l'.].)., 

April, 1 888. 
AvGUSTUH (ii'XJKdi; BuLr.ocK, A.M., 

October, 1888. 
GliANVlLLK StaNLI::V JIaLI,, IJ..I)., 

John MoKins'1'j;y Mkiikjam, .\.]'>., . 

October, 1880. 
VVii.i;iAM Eaton Fo,sti;i(, i.ii i'.Ij., . 

April, 1890. 

IIannis Taylor, rJ;.D., 

Thomas Linuall Wj^riiiior, 

October, 1890. 

jAMt:s Humnij. Anciim.i., Ll^.i)., 
John Fhanklin Jaimi:,so,\', LL.h., 

April, i8gi. 
ClIAKl-liS Pj('Ui:iiiN(l How DI'ICH, A.;\[., 

('.;iAi(Li.:,s l't:i,HAM CiJiisKNoocu, A. 15., 
I'.'nwix DoAK I\It:AD 



(.'aiul)iiilj.';e, iMii?j- 
FortltuKl, A(e. 
\Vurce,;ler, Afa.s^. 



\V(jrcc.ster, Muss. 
I''riuiiiiii:;li;ini, i\l.-u;;. 



I'rDvidonce, l(. 



W'a shin -toil, D. C 
J5o.stoii, Mu.s,s. 



Aim Aii)(ir, iMicli. 
Wa.sliiiii/ion, Ij. C 



I'lostoli, MilS:^. 
J'rookline, AIuss. 
iiostoa, Mass. 



October, 1891. 
{'iiAHLi'.s FiiANCis Adams, I.L.I)., 

ii'lJANCJS IIkNSHAW IJIAVI.V, A..M., . 

IviA'. Calvin iSi'i;i;iun«, A.J5., . 

April, 1892. 
i\KUiiLN Gold Thwaites, LL.I)., . 

October, 1892. 
EUGLNK FrEUKUICIC BLlsiS, A.M., . 



J-incoln, Ma.ss. 
\V())'t'usl.i;r, Mass. 
iMiUniiiLiljani, Mass. 



Madison, Wis 



Cinciniiali, t). 



XIV 



^;'-:! 



April, 1893. 
Wtli!1':i;1''Ohc'I': ICamks, A.M., 

October, 1893. 
iSlMKON EliliN B.\hh\\\H, IJj.l)., 

JLU\VAi:i) FjfANcis Ji.)ii.'s[.S(^N, LL.l;., 

HkMRY PiiELPS JOHNS'J'OiV, A.M., 

HjcNitY ALKX.\Ni)i:ii Mai;sii, 
Fekdijuc^k Almun Ouiou, ... 
Al.bJ':iit Shaw, LL.D., .... 



April, 181)4. 

John (.Ijucen, LL.Ij., 

Rev. William DeLoss Love, TiEJ)., 

April, i8,j5. 

Thomas Cohwin Mkndeishall, LJj.D. 
Clarence Bloomvielb Moouio, A.B., 

October, 1895. 

EZUA SCULLAY S'ri'lAIiNS, A.M., . 

April, 1896. 
William TiujWBiajxiE Fui(Uh:s, A. IS., . 

EUW'IN AuciCJSTU.S (iliOSVENOli, LL.l)., 

October, 1896. 

George Henry H.vynes, Ph.D., 
Ar'I'Huu Loi;i), A.B., 



April, 1897. 

Charles Lemuel Nicholh, JLI )., . 
• October, 1897. 

William Roscoe Livek.moke, . 
Joseph Florimond Louhat, LL.I")., 

April, 1898. 

Li:wis Winters Ghnckel, Ph. 11, . 
Wai>do Linc(.)ln, A.B., .... 
Edwami) Syl\'i;s'i'ek Morse, I'li.l)., 



New York, N. Y. 



New IJiu'CM, C'onn. 
Wobuni, l\Li8S. 
New York, N. Y. 
Woi'ce.ster, RLtss. 
Llackensack, N. J. 
New York, N. Y. 

SL. Louis, Mo. 
Ikuilonl, Col 111. 



RiiveiuKi, Oliio. 
Pliil:i(K,'l])ljiu, Pu. 



Fitchburg, Mass. 

Worcester, Mass. 
Aiiiliersl, ALis.s. 

Worcester, Mass. 
Pi3'inoutli, Mass. 

Worcester, Mass. 



Boston, Mass. 
I'aris, France. 



I)a)'toii, 0. 
Worccstei', Mass. 
Saloin, .Mass. 



XV 



April, 1899. 

CiKoiiGi': BuK'i'ON Adams, JjItt.!)., . 

AlJOXANDlCK (jUAilA.M Bi;L1,, l.L.l)., 

Abbott Lawhknce Lowell, IjL.D., 
CiEouaE Pauicjou Winship, A.M., 



New Il;i\'c,'ii, L'unu. 
Wushiiigloii, D, C. 
Boston, Mass. 
l^rovidt.'iiCL;, 11. I. 



October, 1899. 

John Shaw Billinos, ]).(^L., . 

KioA'. Austin Samlh^l (,iAi;\ i.k, A.M., . 
]iT.-ru:v. WiLLiAft[ Lawuion^k, J).O.L., 
AjiiioT'i' Lawhioncio Botch, A.M., . 



New York, N. Y. 
Worcester, Mass. 
1 Huston, Mass. 
Boston, Mass. 



April, 1900. 

FuANCis Blake, A.M., 

Samuel [Jtli:y, LL.B., .... 

October, 1900. 
Ja.mi:,s WiLLSON Bkook.'s, A.M., 

J'vUWAIil) HOOKI'T! GiLBICUT, A.B;, . 

Jami:s Fokd Ruodi:.s, LIj.])., 
Elias IIaklow Russell, 

April, 1901. 
Bji-.njamin Tllo.^L\s IBlij, A.I.5., 

[{kX. lIlsNlty FlTOll Jj'iNKS, A.M., 

Ali-kn (,;lai'J' Thomas, A.M., 

Iti:v. Chahlios S'l'UAHT VKonioit, LL.I) 

Bi'.v. Wn.LLs'JON Walkkiv, Lri-i-.J.)., 

October, 1901. 

EdjMUjnd Arthur Engler, LL.D., 
Gi:oiuh; Lvi\l\n KirnthiDor;, LI.. I)., 
Samuijl Walkek Mc(!all, LL.l )., . 
Al.HKR'C MA'n\HI';WS, A.Jl, . . . . 
IvEV. Th0I\L\S FUANKLtN Waters, A.M. 

.:■: • April, 1902. 

WiLLLVM Denison LvNtAIV, A.M., . 



Weston, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 



lY'tersliaiu, J\las3. 
Ware, Mass. 
Boston, Mass. 
Tilton, N. H. 



Wojcfcsler, Mass. 
('anton, Mass. 
J la\eii'(iril, Pa. 
(Jharlesloii, S. C. 
New Jla\ en. Conn. 



•St. Louis, Mo. 
(.'an\hiiil;i;e, Mass. 
Winchester, Mass. 
lioston, Mass. 
Inswieli, J\L\ss. 



Walla Walla, Wash. 



XVI 



October, 1902. 

ALi':XANi)h:n 1''kaN("is Oiiamiuju.aiNjPii I ). 

Wll.LrAM MacI )l)MAlA), LL.l)., 
HOdlCli ]'>Kii;iA)\V Ml'MiKIMAN, J^ll.l >., 

April, iQOj. 

Anson DaniI';!, Moiisv;, LL.l >., . 

April, TO04. 

C'LARKNCi!; WiN'niuoj' JkjwioN, I'n.l)., . 
Victor Hugo Paltsits, .... 

October, 1904. 
P'RANCIS TIj'JNiiY LlOK, 

Danikl J5kukki.kv Ui'UIKi:, .A.M., . 



Worcester, Mass. 
I'rovidcucc, R. 1. 
( 'aiiiliiiilgc, Ahiss. 



Aiulier.st, Mass. 



New Voi'k, N. Y. 
New York, N. Y 



."■ialt'iii, Mass. 
I'iosLoii, Alass. 



October, 1905. 

Ci>Aiii';Ni'i; S\u.NDi;i;s l)i;ii:ii.\ m, A.M., . 
Wii.Li VM IIi:ni;v licn.MiOs, . . . . 

April, 1906. 

FRr;t)i;i(i('i; Liowis Ciav, A.I5., . 

' ; October, 1906. 

Wll.LIAM KlslilNI'^Y J)(.VIiY, LL.D., . 

Lincoln Niowtcjn Kinnjcu'it, . 
FxtANKLiN Puaici'; K.i(;i;, 

Ajjril, 1907. 
VVoiLTillNCTUN (JlCAUiNCliY i'\)IU), A.Ai., 

October, 1907. 

ChARI.HS McLl'lAN Anijiuou's, \'\l.\)., 

Clakionck MoNKOh; lluirroN, A.M., 
Thomas McAdoiiy Owkn, LLA)., . 
Hi;rbkrt PuTNA.M, LL.D., 
Ja.mks Sciioiii.t;i:, LL.J)., 
Frederick Jackson Turner, LL.D., 
Hknry Ehnlst Woods, A.M., 



Wurct'stor, :Mass. 
WasliiiiiiLoii, h. (;. 



Prookliue, Mm 



St. Li;iiis, Mo. 
\Vor<,u-st(-r, Mass. 
WorccsLor, iMass. 



liusloii, Mass. 



Now Haven, ( 'una. 
Dotmil., Mich. 
Moutgoiiu;ry, Ala. 
Washington, D. C. 
Liiervale, N. H. 
Clauiljridge, IMass. 
lio.stou, Mass. 



x\n 



April, iyo8, 

Wll>l,IAM Bkioh, 

FlIANZ ]il)AS, I'll,])., .... 

CJiouiicis .LiNi'i:)],N l^uiiii, Lfv.l)., 
Aht'KK FoiiTJivU, i.irr.D., 
'Pk'vkh Jo.sici'u IIamii/ixjn, A.M., 
Dun GlI'^aso.v llii.L, LL.n., . 

CUAI!L|.:.S IIlONKV HULL, I'll.!)., 

Wii.iJAM OouLJuiii; LaiMI':, A. 15., 

AnUHKW CUNNJiNKiUAM McLa 1 ICi I LIN, J 

IIiauii;u'i' Ia'A'i O.scjood, I'li.l)., 

EdWAUD LuTllKIt STEVliNriOiN, PlI.D. 

Julius Hi^ruiout TuTrLJO, 

CUAIU.I-.S (iKKNFILL WaHIIHUUN, A.li. 
SaMUIOL ISAYARD WoODWAlil), M.l)., 



New Orleans, La. 
New York, N. V. 
Ithaca, N. Y. 
New Oileaiis, La. 
Mobile, Ala. 
IX'dhaiii, A I ass. 
iLliaea, N. Y. 
Caiiil>ri(l;i;e, iVIass. 
.13., C;iiicai::o, III. 
New Yuil;, N. Y. 
New York, N. Y. 
iJeilliaiii, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 
VVoi'cestei', Ma.ss. 



October, 1908. 

Gi:<)i;(;r: ][iiiiiiAi;i) l>L.\Ki;,sLh.r:, Lii.D., Worcester, iMass. 
RALi'if C'UAKLios LIi.;nuy (/A'ri'ivUALLjPiLl)., Itluica, N. Y. 



(-LYI)K AuCiUSTUS DUNIW'A^ , I'll.D., 

WiLLLVM CuiiTJs L'AiiAisr.i;, Ln.l)., 
Wax F.AuiiAND, I'u.j ).,... 
Fri^dlkiuk Wiaui LloDoi;, . 
William Vail Kiollion, LL.lJ., 
Alfki.u L. ivii()i:i!r:i;, I'li.i)., 
Aii'i'iuii; J'uKNiich; Kiaai, LL.D., 
Mak.silvll llowAKD Savilli:, 
ALi''iir;D Mak,st(jn Tozzia:, I'ji.l)., 

April, 1909 

S.\MUi:ii Moiiins Conant,, 
Wjlflkd LJauoli; Munkci, L.ILD., 
Wii>liam Niolson, A.m., . 
J UisTiN LL\HVEY Smith, LL.D., 

October, iqoq. 

IIioKMAN Vandenburc; AmI'^S, Pli.D., 
Edwakd Ev1';i(ktt Ayicu, 

HiHAM iilNCniAM, Pll.Jj., .... 



Missoula, Mont. 
Cunihriilge, Alass. 
New Llaveii, Conn. 
Washin-ton, J). U. 
Boston, Mass. 
San l''i-ancisco, t'al, 
W(n-cesti'r, Mass. 
New York, N. Y. 
C'anihriil^e, Mass. 



Pawtueket, 11. L 
Pr(nidence, P. 1. 
Laterson, N. J. 
"JBostou, Mass. 



IMuladelphia, Pa. 

(Jhicaj-M, HI. 

New JLiven, Coan. 



XVI u 



liKNUy WlNCHi'STKR CUNNIN( lllAM, A.B. 

Roland Bujihage Dixon, Ph.D., 

Frank Farnu.m Di;i:ssj-.r, A.M., 
Albert Bu.shnkll PIart, LL.D., 
Rev. Shi:ph1':kd Knapp, A.B., . 

April, igio 

Merhi'it Lyndon Fkrnald, B.y., 

Gaillard Hunt, 

Archer Milton Hunting'i'on, A.M 
BAJtRE'rr Wendell, A.B., 
Albert Henry Whitin. 



October, 1910. 

Albert Carlos Bates, . 
George Francis Dow, . 

Charles Evans, 

Homer Gage, M.D., .... 
Samuel Verplanck Hoffman, . 
Rev. Henry Ainsworth Parker, A.M. 
William Millioan Sloane, LL.D., . 

April, 1911. 

Thomas Willing Balch, LL.B., . 
John Spencer BASsErr, Ph.D., . 
Auchibald Gary Coolidgb, Ph.D., 
Carl Russell Fish, Ph.D., . 
John Holladay Latane, Ph.D., . 



Miiiicliester, iMa.s-s. 
Cambridge, Mass. 
Worcester, Mas.s. 
Cambriclge, Ma^s. 
Woree.ster, Mass. 



Cambridge, Mass. 
Wasliington, D. C. 
New York, N. Y.^ 
Boston, i\lass. 
Wliitinsville, Mass. 



Hartford, Conn. 
Salem, Mass. 
Ciiicago, 111. 
Worcester, Mass. 
New York, N. Y. 
, Cambridge, Masa. 
Princeton, N. J. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 
Nortliainpton, Mass. 
Boston, Mass* 
Madison, Wis. . 
Lexington, Va. 



XIX 



j FOREIGN MEMBERS, 

i ■ 

; ARGENTINA. 

i April, igio. 

i NAME. aESlDENCli;. 

I Juan B. AMiiuosKTTi, liuenos Aires. 

j Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo, . . La Plata. 

! 

BOLIVIA. 

April, 1 910. 
Manuel Vincente Ballivian, . La Paz. 

BF<AZIL. 

April, 1910. 

J. C. lloDxuGUEZ, Kiu de Janeiro. 

CANADA. 

April, 1908. 

Narcishe Eutrope Dionne, LL.D., Quebec. 

April, 1910. 

Arthur George Doughty, . . Ottawa. 

Willl\m Lawson Grant, A.M., . Kinjj,>iton. 

William Wood, Quebec. 

October, 1910. 

George McKinnon Wrong, A.M., Toronto. 

CHILI. 

April, 1909. 

Jose Torihio Medina, Santiago de Chili. 

ECUADOR. 

April, 1910. 
Federico Gonzalez Suarez, . . (^uiLo. 



xx 

FRANCE. 

October, i8g6. 

Hknry VicNAUD, Paris. 

April, 1905. 
PiiiiiijK EiMiLi'; Li:vaw,si;i;k, Li'i'i'.J)., . Fai'is. 

GERMAN EMPIRE. 

April, 1875. 
Otto KioLi,i:ii, I'li.D., . . . . . I'laeue. 

April, 1893. 
JoHAN,Ni:s CV)NUAD, LL.l)., .... Halle. 

April, i(>io. 

Eijuard Seleu, Berlin. 

GREAT BRITAIN. 

April, 1882. 

Jamk.s Bhy<'i', T).0.I>., Lciiidon. 

April, 1887. 
John 1)1':i)1)<>|i;, l,LA)., Bradford-on-.Avon. 

October, 1892. 
Cjiauitcs H.'\kdinci luivTii, PL.lJ., . . Oxluril. 

October, 1893. 
Loud AvEBUitY, D.C.L,, London. 

October, 1894. 
HuuKUT Ball, F.S.A., London. 

October, 1901. 

Siii AiiTiiirK HiauuMiT I'hukch, 1).S(.\, Slit'l-lcy, 

Lew (.iai'dens. 

October, 1910. 

AlI'^ked J'l'JKCiVAE -Maudsi.ay, . London. 



XXI 



HOLLAND. 

October, 1895. 
JOJiANN CjlHlS'l'Oni VoiJ.dKAM'-, Jj.ll.l)., ULieclit. 

MEXICO. 

April, 1887. 
Edwaki; ilioiviiijcr Thompscjn, . . . Mei'ida, Yucatan. 
October, 1890. 

Niroi.As Jvi.ON, J'li.l)., Mexico. 

October, 1904. 
David Ca8aui:.s, A.B., ..... AJeridi', Yucatan. 

April, 1907. 
Gknako Cakc'ia, Mexico. 

April, 1910. 
Antonio PknafU'.l, Mexico. 

NORV*/AY. 
October, 1906. 

lloAi.b Amundsen, Cliii-r^tiaiiia. 

PORTUGAL. 

April, 1882. 
^ Louis IlioNitY AymA, Lisbon. 

October, 1906. 
. Bkunahdino Machado, CJoiiiibni. 

' . ' ' RUSSIA. V ■; 

April, 1893. 
Pavki. Gavkilovitch Vinu(;uadukf,D.C.L., Moscow. • 



XXII 



RESIDENT MEMBERS. 

ALPHABIlTICALLY AKltAN(iJ:L). 



NAMiC. 

jCharlks Fhancis Adams, LI..1j., 

CuOltOK ].>LlJlTON Al)Ai\I,S, LlTT.l)., 

Hknkv Adams, IA..D., 
HicRWAiN Yandi'.niujju; Aaii^h, i^a.l) 
Rkv. Jos]i:rii Andi;i;s(jn, DA)., 
CiiARi.j;s M(.'Li;aiN' Ani>i;iavs, Ph. I) 
Jami':s I'.uiaiji.i, A>jui:i,i., 1,1. .iJ,, 
Edwahd Evi:iii.i"r A\i,h, 
Thomas Willini; .Balcu, LL.15., 

fSlMEON IClilJN 1)A1.D\VJN, LL.l)., 

IhjBEUT riowr; liANcuoFi', A.M., 
Adoli'11 FiiANris Bandiji.iek, . 

tEOMUND MllJ.S livi-.'1'ON, 

John vSpknokk HassI'Itt, Ph.D., 

AlBKKT ('aKLOS JjA'I'I'S, . 

JamI'.s riiiNM:v Hax'iM';u, J^ri'i'.])., 
WiiJ.lAM J^i'ia;, ..'... 
Ali'JXandi:k (Iuaii.vm Jiia.i,, LL.l)., 
John Shaw IIh.i.incs, 1 ).('.];., . 

IDhAM IhNOHAM, I'il.l)., 

jWhjjam Ki'-.kNivY TiixHY, LL.D., 

fFHANCla JiLAKK, A.M., 

GeorgJ'; Hubbaud Blakkst.kk, Ph.I)., 
EuGJONK Fi;i':Di!:ia('K Hi.iss, A.M., 
FiiANZ Boas, Ph. J) 

fCHAKLKS PlCKl:;i;iNG BoWDlTfJI, A.M., 
fCLAHKNCE WlNTHBOI' BOWIJN, Ph.D., 

Clarence Saunders Brigha.m, A.M., . 
RoiiEKT Alonzo Brock, . . . . 
jAAfi;s Willson Brooks, A.M., 



1(I';SH)EN('K. 

J/niL'olu, Mass. 
New Haven, (biiii. 
VVasliiiioLou, J). C. 
IMiila.lelphia, i^i. 
Wouiliiu.mt, {'(juii. 
New Haven, Conn. 
Aim .ii'bor, Miv\\. 
C'hica-(i. 111. 
]^lu!a.|.'lj)liia, Pa. 
New J la\ en, (ji^nn. 
San iM'ancisL'o, C'ai. 
New Yoi-k, n. V, 
W(jire,;tei-, Mass. ' 
Noi-(liani[>t<)n, Mass. 
HaiLl'urd, (.'onn. 
l-'orLlaud, Me. 
New (Jj-lean.s, Pa. 
Wasl!infi;r,oii, D.C. 
New Wn-k. N. Y. 
New JIaven, Conn, 
St. Lnnis, Mo. 
Weston, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 
C.'incinnati, 0. 
New ^'ork, N. Y. 
Boston, Mass. 
New York, N. Y. 
\YorcL':ter, Mass. 
Piclnnond, Va. 
Potersliani, j\lass. . 



fl.ifr 



XXIJI 



Augustus Gjcokoi; Buli^ock, A.M., 
Giv()H(!i'; TaNcor.N Buuu, LL.D., 
Ci.AHKNCi': MoNiHM'; Buin'ON, A.M., . 

Lu(;ii-,N (AvuK, A.M., 

Ralph Ciiauliv.s Hijnuv Cat'l'kuam-jPij.L). 

Am;XA.N1>KK KllAN'CI.S CuA.Mlii.ULAlN, I'll.l ) 
|1mj\VA1U) (hlANNlNC, I'll.l)., 

HicuiiicN (_'()i;r(jN, A. 13., .... 

SAjMUKL MuUJilS CONANT, 
AnCHlBALD CaHY COOLIDOE, Pll.l^., 

Hl'nuy VVjnchjcster Cunningham, A.B 
tAMJi;i:\v Mci''AULAND l)AVia, A.M., 
tEiAVAUD Livingston Davi.s, A.M., 
HoitAC'jo Davis, LL.D., .... 
-tFiiANL'is IIlnshaw DicwKV, A.I\L, 

fFnANKLJN JiOWDITCH DkXTIOH, Ll'lT.D., 

Roi,anu Burkagk Dixon, Ph.D., . 

GKC)iif;io Fi;an(:ls Dow, .... 
FuANK Fahnum DiiEssioii, A.M., 
Ci.YDic Augustus Dunuvay, l^i.D., 

TuiiOUOKlO FltKLlNGHlIVSEN DWlGUT, 

WiLuiaiFoitcE Eamks, a.m., 
tHicNUY Ui;i;1!i:kt Edks, A.M., 
Edmund Aktuuh Englkh, LJj.D., 

CiiARLios Evans, 

William Cuicjis l'\\u ■Miia;, Bn.l)., 
Max Fauuanu, Pn.D., .... 
Mkkuitt Lyndon Fkknald, U.S., . 
Caul Russell Fisji, Ph.D., 
WrL!>L\M 'riU)\VinnbGj'j iMdtiiivS, A.li., 
WoimuNG'i'ON ChLxuNci'A FoJU), A.M., 
Alckk J'\.)Ktiki{, Ll'lT.D., ... 
fWiLLiA.M Eat(jn I''o.stI';u, Litt.D., 
GioOKGi: I:]hi:ni':ziou Fi!ANt:is, M.D., 

HoMKit (Sagk, M.l)., 

Riov. Austin Sa.mukl Gauviou, A.M., 
tl*'Ki'.DKiin;K Jjiavis Gay, A.B., . 
ICdwai;!) Hooklk Gjlhkkt, A.B., . 



Worcester, Mass. 

Jtiiaca, N. Y. 

Detroit, Mieh. 

(Jam bridge, Mas.:!. 
, ithaca, N. Y. 
. , VV'ureester, Mas.i. 

('aiiil)n(J;j,c, Miu^s. 

Boston, Aias.s. 

Pawtucket, 1{. i. 

Boston, Mass. 

Maiifliester, Ma.s.-3. 

('ainbridye, Mas.s. 

Worcester, Mas.s. 

San Francisco, Cal. 

Worcester, Mass. 

New FLiven, Conn. 

daniljridge, Mass. 

iSaleni, Mass. 

Worcester, i\Liss. 

Missoula, Mont. 

Vaud, .Svvilzerland. 

New York, N. Y. 

Canibridi'e, Mass. 

St. Jvouis, A'lo. 

Cliicago, UL 

Canihiidge, Mass. 

New HaA'en, Conn. 

C'aniln-itlge, Mass. 

Madisoji, Wis. 

Wiirci.'ster, Mass. , 

Boston, Mass. 

New Oi'leans, La. 

I'rox'idence, li. L 

VVorcestei', Mass. 

Worcester, Mass. 

Worcester, Mass. 

Brookline, Mass. 

Ware, ALiss. 



1 Life membeia 



XXIV 



John (iuh^ioN, LI/.D,, 

fiSAMUKL AbbO'it (.{ki;kn, LL.D., . 
jSamubl Swi'/rr Gi;ki;n, A.M., . 

CllAliLh:S rja.HAM CJKl.;KNOU(ill, A.'B., 

Edwin Augustus GhosvI'/nok, LL.D. 

LkWIS WlNTICRS GUNCKIOL, PlJ.B., 

Rev. Edwaiu) Hi;ni;y Hale, D.I)., 

GrANVILLIO 8'1'ANLIOY Hall, LIj.D., 

Peter Joseph Hamieton, A.M., 
Whjjam Harden, . . 

Alhert BusiiNioLT. Hart, IvL.D., 

fGEORGE HlONRY HaYNES, PieD., 

HEN)a' Vv^iEEEvMsoN Haynes, A.M 
Benjamin 'J'iiomas IIile, A.B., 
Don Ge1':ason Hiee, LL.iJ., 
FuEDjatR/K Were LIodge, . 
fSAMUioE Vj'.rflanck Hoffman, 
VVieeiam ]L:nry LIoemes, . 
Aereht Harrison Hoyt, A.M., 
ChAREES Hl'lNRY HULE, Pu.D., . 

Gaielard Hunt, 

Archer Mieton Huntington, A.M 
John Frankein Jameson, LL.D., 
Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M., 
Edward FjtANCis Johnson, LL.B. 
Henry Pheei's Johnston, A.RL, 
William Vail Ki^elen, Ll^.D., 
fLiNCOEN Ni';wTON IviNNicu-rr, 
Geoiuee Lyma.n Krri'Rivi)i;i':, L1./.D 
Rev. Shepui'.rd Knapp, A.Ix, 
Alfred L. Ki;oi;ei';r, Ph.].)., 
William (Jooeidgi; Lani:, A.B., 
John Holladay Latane, Ph.D., 
IRt.-Rev. William Lawri^ncI';, D.C.L 
Francis Henry Li-:!o, 
t Waldo Lincoln, A.li., ■. 
William Roscoe Livermore, 
fHENRY Caboi' LODGI;, L1>.D., . 



SL l-oiiis, Mo, 
L^),sk)n, Mms.s. 
Worcester, Mass. 
Bioul-'Jiue, Mass. 
AuilicEst, Muss. 
Dayton, O. 
Caiiibiiil^e, -iMust). 
VVoiTe.stor, Ma.s.s. 
:\rol.ile, A1:e 
Sii\'aniiali, (la. 
C;unbrid}i;e, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 
Boston, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 
Dedliain, Ma.ss. 
Washington, D. C. 
New York, N. Y. 
WashingLoa, D. C. 
Jtoston, Mass. 
Ithaca, N. Y. 
Wasliington, D. C. 
New York, N. Y. 
Wa:sliington, D. C. 
("anton, Mass. 
Wobiuii, Mass. 
Ness^ York, N. Y. 
Jtoston, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 
('ainl)ridge, Mass. , 
W(ircestei', Mass. 
San Pranci^^co, Cal 
Cambridge, Mass. 
Lexington, Va. 
iio.^ton, Ahiss. 
Salem, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 
Boston, Mass. 
Nahant, iVIass. 



t Life lUOHll>L-l-) 



XXV 



Arthuu Lord, A.B., 

fJosKPii Flouimond Loubat, LL.D., 
Riov. William |)j.[a)ss Luvk, Ph.D., 
fABiiOrr Lawiii;nci; Jj(nvioi,L, LL.D., 
William Dijnison Lyman, A.M., 
Samukl Walkkk McC'all, LL.D., . 
William IMacDonald, LL.D., . 
Andickw Cunningham McLaughlin, LL 
J(jHN Bach WcMaster, IX.D., 
Francls Andki;w Makch, D.C.L., . 
ILoNUY ALi';XANDii;)4 Mar.sh, 
Alblut MA'rniKWS, A.B., 

Edwin Doak Mlad, 

Thomas Corwin Mendeniiall, LL.D 
John McKiNai'RV Mj'.icriam, A.B., . 

■fRl^V. DaNIKL MKRitlMAN, D.D., 

tRoGLR Biui;low Mkrrjman, Lh.D., 
Clarence Rloomfield Moore, A.B., 
Anson Danuol Mousi';, LL.J)., . 
Edward Sylvi';stj;r Morsk, Ph.D., 
WiLFRKD Harold Monro, L.U.D., 
William Nelson, A.M., .... 
fCHARLiLS Llmull Nichols, M.D., 
Fri'.dlrick Albion Obiou, . 
HKiiBKHT Lkvi Os(;ood, Ph.D., 
'I'lioMAs McAdurv Ovvkn, I;L.D., 
NathaniivL Painio, a.m., 
Victor TIugo Paltsits, 
Stephen Dknison Peet, Ph.D., 
Frederic Ward Putnam, Sc.D., 
HKBiiiat'j' Putnam, LL.D., 
fjAMiis Foi;d Rhodks, LL.D., 
IFranklin Pii;r(^k Ricjc, 
Abboti' JjAWki:ncl Rotcii, A.M., 
fARTHUit Phkntick Rugg, LL.D., 
fELiAs Harlow Russkll, . 
Marshall Howard iSavillic, 
Jamks SciiouLLii, LIj.I)., 



IMyiuouth, Ma-is. 
Paris, Frauce. 
liartl'ord, (Joiui. 
Boiston, ]\las.s. 
Walla Walla, Wash. 
Wiiu'iiestcr, Mass. 
Pruvidenc(j, !!,. L 
.,Uliicago, III. 
Pliilailclphia, I'a. 
Ea.stuii, Pa. 
Worcester, Mass. 
Boston, Mass. 
liuslon, Mass. 
Ravenna, Ohio. 
Franiinghani, Masd. 
Boston, Mass. 
Cambridge, Mass. 
Philadelphia, Pa. 
Amherst, Mass. 
Salem, I\Liss. 
Providence, R. L 
Paterson, N. ,J. 
Woi-cestei', Mass. 
PLickcn'sack, N. J. 
New Y«rk, N. Y. 
Monti^omery, Ala. 
Woj-cester, Mass. 
New Yurk, N. Y. 
Salem, Mass. 
Cambridge, Mass. 
Wasliingtoii, 1). C. 
Boston, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 
Boston, Mass. 
Worcester; Mass. 
Tilton, N. PL 
New York, N, Y. 
Litervalo, N. IL 



t Life [ueiiibera. 



\X\i 



Ai.j^KKr SiiAW, LI.. J)., . •. 
William Millkjan Sloane, LL.D., 
Chaklkk Cahi) S.Mnii, A.I\I., 

JllHTlN l[AJiVIOY yrjiTH, LL.D., 
VVlLLfAM Adiilson Smi'jh, A.B., 
Ezra Scoli.ay Si'j;auns, A.M., , 
fKi'JV. Calvin Stkliuns, A.Ji., 
EdWAUD Lu'l'dliK vSteyen.son, Pll.I)., 

Hannis Taylor, LL.D., 
Allkn Clai'I' Tiuji\Lv.s, A.M., 
Hkuukn Gold Thwaitk.s, LL.D., . 
Alfkicd ALuisTON 'i\y///A-:n, PilD., . 
FmcDEituiR Jackson TuuNEit, LIj.D. 
Julius llindiiari' Tuttlk, 
Danii L Bi;kkj;li:v Upuike, A.M., . 
JiSamull U'j'i.cv, I.L.li., ., . . . 
Rev. Chaklks hh'UAu'i' Veddiok, LL.D 

Ui;V. WlLLLSTON VVALKliH, LllT.I)., 

CiiAiiLE.s (Juii:Nif'n,L VVashlukn, A.B., 
\iv.y. Tiio.MAs FiiANKLLN Watehs, A.M 

tWlLLL*iiM JiAliC'OI.'K WeI'IDEN, A.M., 

liAHin:!"!' Wi':.Ni)!,i.L, A.lL, 
ANDUiav iJicKsoN Wiii'L'i:, J).C.L., . 

ALUEli'l' HeNUY WlUTlN, 

tGi>:oji(;ic I'AUKiai VVinsuip, A.M., . 

TllOMAK LiNDALL WlN'J'UliOP, 

PL':nhy EKNi':s'r Woods, A.I\L, . 

SaMUI^L BaYAKU Wot)DVv'AKD, M.l>., 



New V.Mk, N. V. 
Princeton, N. J. 
l)o,stou, j'vLt.ss. 
BosLon, M;i,s.s. 
Wcnce.ster, Mass. 
l''iti'lil)urfi:, Muss. 
i'V;uniiijUiiii>i, M;iss. 
New York, N. Y. 
WMshin-lon, D. C. 
ll;i\eit(ii'(i, I'll. . 
i\hulison. Wis. 
{ 'unihridge, Ahiss. 
C'anil.iriil^e, Muss. 
i )e(ili;un, iMass. • 
i Boston, Mass. 
VVoi'ccstur, Mass. 
(LafiesLon, 8. C. 
i\c\v ILaen, Conn. 
Woi'cester, Mass. 
Ipswich, Mixss. 
rroN'idence, R. L 
J'.oston, Mass. 
Ithaca, N. Y. 
Wiiitins'i'ille, i\Liss. 
L'i'u\iiU-ncL^, R. L 
l-^oston, Mass. 
I^oston, Mass. 
Worcester, Mass. 



t i.ifo niombcra 







1'!^'^'; \'}i:'-'-: ■ 'i'U ■ V , . 






„J. 'u^l^^^ — ^_^ui--S 



ion.] Proceedings. 



PROCEEDINGS, 



SEMI-ANNUAL MEETING, APRIL 12, 1911, IN ELLIS HALL AT 

:riIE MASSACHUSETTS IIiS'J\)RICAL SOCIETY 

BUILDING, BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS. 



Tlie iiieeting was called to order at 10. oO A. M. by 
the President, Mr. Waldo Lincoln. 

The following meml^ers were present: 

Nathaniel Paine, Saniuel A. Green, Edward L. Davis, 
Edward II. Hall, Albert li. lioyt, Edmund M. ]^>arton, 
Fj'anklin B. r3e.\ter, Samuel S. Green, Jlenry W. Haynes, 
Andrew iVIcP. Davis, Frederic W. Putnam, Daniel 
Merriman, William B. Weeden, Josepli iVnderson, 
Henry H. Edes, Edward Channing, George E. Francis, 
A: George Bullock, William E. Foster, Charles P. Green- 
ough, Calvin Stebbins, Henry A. Marsh, William DeL. 
Love, William T. Forbes, George H. Haynes, Charles 
: ' L. Nichols, William R. Livermore, Waldo lincoln, 

; \ A. Lawrence Rotch, Samuel Etley, Henry F. Jenks, 

i ! George L. Kittredge, Albert Matthews, William Mac- 

j: . Donald, D. Berkeley Updike, Clarence S. Brigharn, 

!: I Franklin P. Rice, Woi'thingtonC. Ford, Henry E. Woods, 

i i William C. Lane, Julius H. Tuttle, Charles G. Washburn, 

I I Max Farrand, Marshall H. Saville, Alfi'ed M. Tozzer, 

II ■ Wilfred H. Munro, William Nelson, Justin 11. SmiLJi, 
\ \ Henry W. Cunningham, Meriitt L. Fernald, Albert 
M . H. Whitin, Albert C. Bates, Homer Gage, Henry A. 
I I " Parker. ■ •- , . 

^ [ The President stated that because of the absence of 

the Recording Secretary, it would be necessary to elect 

i ... ■ •. ■ . 



2 Aiitirlcan Antiquarian Suciclij. [Ai)rj|, 

a Secretary pro tempore, and upon motion, Mr. C S. 
Brigham was elected to tl)at oliice. 

The reading of the records of the last meeting was, 
on motion, dispensed with, tlie printed report of the 
proceedings having been already distributed among 
the members of the Society. 

The Report of the Council was read by i\Ir. Samuel 
Swett Green. 

The President, in supplementing the repoi't of tlie 
Council, spoke as follows: 

"I would Uke to say a word congratulating tlie Society 
on the completion of its new building. The library, 
wliile far from being in perfect ordcj-, a matter wiiicli 
will take many months, is sufficiently well arranged to 
permit its being readily consulted, and it is hoped that 
the members will visit it as early and as often as they can. 

"I am Sony to report that since last Octobei' there 
has been no material addition to the centennial fund. 
I ho})e that all the members will feel responsible for 
this attempt to secure an increase of endowment with- 
out wliich the Society will be ver}'- much handicapped; 
for, although it can live in a rather quiet way, it cannot 
do tlie work it ought to do, the work that it was formed to 
do, and wliich 1 am sure the members are all interested 
in having done. If any member can aid the committee 
in obtaining this increased endowment I trust he Vv'ill 
do so. 

"In this connection a few selections from early ad- 
dresses to the Society seem pertinent. The fii-st is 
from An Account of the American Antiquarian Society, 
by its first President, Isaiah Thomas, which was printed 
in November, 1813, a year after the Society was formed: 

Among the numerous societies furmed in the United .States 
for the promotion of literature, the useful and fine arts, and 
other valuable j)uri.)Oses, it appeai'ed tliat one moi'e- might he 
added, which could also be truly beneficial, nut only to the 



1011.] Proceedinxjs. 3 

present, but particularly to future geueration.s — a society not 
confiueil to local purposes — not intemlcd for the particular 
advantage of any one state or section of the union, or for the 
benefit of a few individuals — one whose members may l)u lound 
in evt'ry part of our western continent and its atljacent islands, 
and who ai'e citizens of all parts of this quai'ter of the world. 

lilach individual of the Society, we persuade ourselves, will 
imbibe a belief that its reputation, in a great degree, depends 
on liis individual efl'orts; and will feel an interest in collecting 
and forwarding to the Librarian, the Secretaries, oi' to any 
ollicer of the Institution, such antiquities of our country, 
wliether of nature or of art, as may be portable, and which 
he can obtain; and authentic accounts of such as cannot be 
transported; with >such articles of motlern date, as are curious 
and interesting, and will tend to aid the purposes of the estab- 
lishment. Justice will be done to the donor — his name will 
live on the records. 

Among the articles of deposit, books of every descri])tion, 
including pamphlets and magazines, especially those whicli 
were early printed either in South or in North America; files 
of newspa])ers of former times, or of the present day, are j)ar- 
ticulai'ly desirable .... Mainisci'ipts, ancient and modern, 
on intei'esting subjects, particularly those which gi\x' accounts 
of remarkable events, discoveries, or the description of any 
part of the continent, or the islands in the American seas; 
maps, charts, etc. 

"The next is from a Coini/nmicaiion fro/u the President 
of the Society to the Members, October 24, ISl^: 

The Society cannot become extensively useful unless the 
oljjects for which it is instituted are pursued with some degree 
of energy. It will not be expected that we should individually 
devote a very considei'able part of our time to the affairs of 
this institution; yet, without injury to himself, every member 
may do something for its benefit. Theie are various ways 
by which we may contrilaite to its prosperity; — some may 
bestow a little personal attention to the management of its 
local concerns; — others may ilevise projects by which its 
interest and its usefulness may be essentially pi'omoted; — 
and others collect, as convenience and opportunity ])ermit, 
articles for its Cabinet, and donations of Ijooks, files of news- 
papers or other periodical works, maps, charts, manuscripts, 
and various articles prope for the institution. 

"In an address delivered October 23, 1S15, at the 
third anniversary of the Society, Dr. William Paine said: 



4 American Anliquariaii Society. [April, 

I wish it to be distinctly uiulorsLuoJ tliat tlic yViiicricaa 
Antiquarian Society is founded on the most liberal principles — 
is of no sect or party — has no local views — it embraces the 
continent. It solicits, and would gladly I'eceive, communica- 
tions from every part of the world, which have a tendency to 
elucichite the events of past ages, or excite a spirit of research 
for information which would be conducive to the happiness 
of the present or subsequent age. It is to be wished, that every 
member of the Society would endeavor, by the most active 
exertions, to add something to the common stock of antiqua- 
rian literature; and may we, my respectable associates, never 
lose sight of the truly valuable purposes of our Institution. 

"These paragniplis seem pceiilinriy appropriate now 
when the Society has the buikling, which at lliat time 
it did not liave, in whicli to store with the utmost safety' 
tlie valuable books, newspapers, charts or manuscripts 
which members may be able to secure. I hope all nuiy 
follow the advice of Mr. Thomas and Dr. Paine and 
help to obtain such collectiims." 

In proceeding to the election of new members, Mr. 
A. McF. Davis s])oke of the qualihcations of the can- 
didates recommended by the Council. Tvlessrs. (nige 
and Bates were ap])ointed tellers to distribute and count 
the ballots. The following gentlemen were then elected 
members of the Society: 

Thomas Willing Balch, Philadelphia, Pa. 
John Spencer Bassett, Northampton, Mass. 
Arcliibald Gary Coolidge, Boston, Mass. 
Carl Russell Fish, Madison, Wis. 
John Holladay Latane, Lexington, Va. 

The President referred to the Centennial Anniversary 
of the Society, which is to be observed in Octobei', 
1912, and suggested that a conunittee of five be appointed 
to consider the arrangements for celebrating the cen- 
tennial. Upon motion of Dr. Samuel A. Green that 
the President should aj^point sucli a committee, and 
should himself be chairman, the cliair appointed, besides 
himself, Hon. Charles G. Wasliburn and Hon, Ar'thur 



191 1. J Proceedings. 5 

P. llugg of Worcester, Prof. Albert B. Hart of Cam- 
bridge and Prof. W'illiain MacDonald of Providence. 

Mr. William Nelson of Paterson, N. J., read a paper 
on "Some New Jersey Printers and Printing in the 
Eighteenth Century." 

Mr. Andrew McFarland FJavis of Camjjridge, Mass., 
read a paper on "The Shays Rebellion, a Political 
Aftermath." 

Dr. Alfred M. Tozzer of Hai'vard Univcirsity, read 
a paper on "The Value of Ancient Mexican Manuscripts 
in the Study of the General Development of Writing." 

By vote of the Society, the various papers were 
referred to the Committee of L\iblication. 

CLARENCE S. BRIGHAM, 

Secretary, pro ion pore. 

After the meeting, the members of the Society were 
entertained at luncheon at the Algonquin Club l)y the 
meml)ers residing in Boston am.] its vicinity. 



Avicricnn Aviiquarian Sovuiy. [April, 



I! / 



REPORT OF THE COUNCIL. 



Since the last meeting of the Society the thought and 
energy of the President and of the Librarian and his 
assistants have been mainly occupied in moving the 
contents of the older building 'to the newest. The 
literary material belonging to the Society has been 
arranged sulRcicntly to enaljle tlie executive officers 
to produce it readily for the use of inquirers, excepting 
the contents of the map and manuscript rooms. These, 
it is hoped, will be arranged before the next annual 
meeting of tJie Society. 

At its March meeting the Council voted to have the 
President, or a substitute appointed by him, represent 
the Society in the American Year Book Corporation. 
Mr. Lincoln attended a meeting of that corporation 
later in the month. 

At the same meeting it was voted to ask Messi'S. 
Winship, Brigham, and Ford to serve as a permanent 
connnittee to report occasionally to the Council the 
names of scholars especially eligible for membership 
in the Society. 

The volume of "Royal Proclamations relating to Amer- 
ica, " edited by the Librarian, is nowintlie printer's hands. 

It has been necessary to discontinue for the present 
the work of Mr. Charles H. Lincoln on the manuscripts. 
He witlidrew from our service November 1 of last year. 

The following deaths have occurred of members of 
the Society during the last six months: 

October 29, 1910, Rev. Morton Dexter who had just 
been elected a member of the Society. 

November 11, 1910, our venerable associate and 
benefactor, James F. Hunnewell. 



i i 




-:f 




:■• .'s? 




■■■. j'si; 




r •% 












■ ,^J 






6 




i^ 


•■/ ,' ii 


^H 




« 


\ ■'^" 


hJ 


"' fl 


D 


3i8^ 


S 


' '^'IbS 


■^ 






ilf?^ 


'A 


Klra 


y. 



1911.] Re port vj th.e Council. . 7 

January 18, 1911, Bishop Alexander 11. Vinton. 

February 6, 1911, Prof. Leonard P. Kinnicutt. 

March G, 1911, Judge Francis C. Lowell. 

Notices of these gentlemen have been prepared for 
publicatioi^ by the biographer. 
., The members of the Society who were present at 

> the meeting last October had tlie opportunity to exam- 

ine the new building which was then nearly finished, 
but unfurnished. Tlie furnishings are now in place. 
A good illustrated description of the building written 
by the Librarian appeared in tlie Worcester Mayazinc 
for February. 

The structure is, as 3^ou know, in the Geoi-gian style of 
architecture, and is dignified and picturescjue as looked 
at from the outside, and attractive and convenient 
within. The chief purpose of the extei-ior is to j-epro- 
duce the general appearance of the first hall of the Society, 
still standing on Summer street, although neglected in 
condition and used for comparatively humble purposes. 

The Council at its March meeting looked witli favor 
upon a suggestion that a pamphlet of creditable aspect, 
with illustrations of the new building, should be prepiU'cd 
and distributed somewhat widely among persons inter- 
ested in the objects of the Society; and it was thought 
that a suitable occasion for its issue would be the occiu- 
rence of the centennial meeting of the Society in October, 
1912. 

In contemplation of the results of the recent destructive 
fire in the Capitol at Albany in which treasures which can- 
not be re])laced were burned, it is satisfactory to reflect that 
our building stands on a lot of 60,000 feet, and besides 
securing by its situation an abundance of light and 
room for enlargement, is carefully protected from fire 
from the outside and is also a fire-proof structure. To 
emphasize this statement I cjuote the closing passage 
of Mr. Brigliam's article in the Worcester Magazine. 

"The most satisfactory feature of the new building 

. is that it is thoroughly fireproof. With the walls and 

floors and ceilings all uf cement, steel or brick, and with 



8 Aiiivrican Antiquarian Socicli/. . [April, 

the book shelves and even mucli of the equipment of 
metal, there is no reason why the Society shoakl (;ver 
fear this greatest destroyer of books. Nor, in view 
of the large amount of open area around the building, 
is there danger of a sweeping conflagration. Thus witli 
protection from fire, and with a building splendidly 
equipped to take care of the growth of years, the Society 
takes on new life and seeks to increase its sphere of 
usefulness as a great library of reference for students 
of the history of America." 

Thus no officer of the Society need feel the anxiety, 
when there is a fire in tlie neighborhood of our new build- 
ing, which is said to have always been ex[)erienced by 
the foi'mer of our Pi'esidents Salisbury ^vhen an alarm 
indicated a fire near the building we have just left. 

The writer of this report distinctly recalls the features 
of the original building of this Society. His jnother 
and Mr. Samuel F. Haven, the Librarian, had been 
neighbors and friends in Dedhain, Mass., in their younger 
days and when the latter came to Worcester to live he 
was a frequent guest in our family and always received 
me, when as a boy I visited the building, with marked 
cordiality. What especially interested me, however, 
was not the books, but a room hlled with antiquities, 
mainly Americaii. 

When Mr. Thomas gave his jirivate library to the 
Antiquarian Society in the sirring of 18L3 he was re- 
quested to retain it in his possession until a suitable 
place could be prepared for its reception. In 1817 
active measures were taken to procure funds to defray 
the expense of erecting a building for the library and 
cabinet by apj^ointing committees to solicit subscrip- 
tions, but some dilliculty was experienced in the attemi^t 
to raise the necessary money to carry out the jjlans. 
Early in the year 1819, however, Mr. Thomas ottered 
to put up a building at his own expense for the accom- 
modation of the Society and its library, and in August 
of that year a committee was appointed, at his request, 
to superintend its erection. Tlie work was attended 



1911. 



Report of the Council. 







to at once, and tlie central portion of the old Anti(iuarian 
Hall Oil Sanmicr .street was dedicated to the uses ol' the 
Society, August 24, 1820. The two wings were adthd 
to the main structure iu 1882. The building, however, 
pi'oved too small t-o house the growing lihrary and was 
also found to be danijj. The main pt)rtion of the build- 
ing just vacated was therefore put up in 1853. liut 
the rapidly increasing collection of Ijooks demanded 
still am])ler accojnmodations, antl an addition to the 
building was determined ii|)on. That was linished in 
1877. In putting up the building and adding to it, the 
Society was assisted by very genej-ous coutribulious 
of money from the earlier Stephen Salisbury who was 
our President for thirty years. 

The Council wishes to congratulate the Society ui)on 
the large and admirable results which have followed the 
thought and energetic labors of its itrincipal oUicers, and 
to bespeak from all the members hearty co-operation 
in efforts for its increased prosperity. 

SAMUEL SWETT GREEN, 

For the Council. 



10 American Antiijuuriaii Society. [April 



OBITUARIES. 



MORTON DEXT]<]R. 

Morton Dexter died October 29, 1910. He was l)orn 
at Manchester, N. H., July 12, ISIG, was graduated at 
Yale in 18G7 with the degree of A. li., which was followed 
l)y that of A. M. in 1870, in which year he was graduated 
from the Andover Theological Sellunar3^ From 1870 
to 1873 he was abroad and then was pastor of tlie 
Union Chiu'ch in Taunton, Mass., remaining there 
till 1878 when he took tlie position of associate edi- 
tor and later editor and pai't owner oi the "Ccaigre- 
gationalist" in Boston. In 1901 he retired from business 
life to devote himself to the histoiy of the Pilgiims, 
especially their religious history, in which he liad long 
been interested, lie completed an uniinished work 
of his father's entitled "England, Holland and the Pil- 
grims." His own writings include: "The Story of 
the l^ilgrims," "Congregationalism in America," and 
many papers on similar topics. He contributed valuable 
articles to the "Mayflower Descendant" on early Dutch 
records which he liad investigated when abroad. In 
July, 1891, he was secretary and treasurer of a committee 
which dedicated a memorial bronze tablet to John 
Robinson in Leyden, Holland. 

Mr. Dexter was a member of tlai Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, of the Massachusetts Society of May- 
flower Descendants; and he became a member of this 
Society at the meeting in October, 1910, only a few days 
before his death. On June 9, 1881, he marrietl Miss 
Emily Loud Sanford of Taunton, Mass., who with two 
daughters survives him. S. XJ. 



1911.1 



Obiluarics. 



11 



JAMES FROTHINGHAM HUNNEWELL. 

James Frothingham ITunnewcU joined tliis Society in 
ISOO, and was sixtli in seniority of nicmbcrslup when he 
died in Boston, November 11, 1910. He was born in 
Charlestown, Mass., July 3, 1832, and resided there and 
in Boston during his life. He was educated in tlie public 
schools, and with his father engaged in foreign commerce, 
from which he retired several years ago to devote himself 
to historical and antiquarian studies in wliich he luul long 
been interested. He was also concerned with jjhilanthropy 
and the management of trusts to both of which lie gave 
nmch attention. He was for nearly half a century 
member of the Cliarlestown Scliool Board, trustee of 
the Charlestown Public Literary, member of the Stand- 
ing Connnittee of the First Parish, president of the 
Charlestown Gas Company, vice-iiresident of the Win- 
chester Home for Aged Women, trustee of the Free 
Dispensary, trustee of tlie Five Cents Savings Bank, 
director of the Bunker Hill Moimment Association, 
and in many ways as a good citizen served the com- 
munity in which he lived. 

In his travels he had collected many interesting and 
valuable books and records. As a local historian he 
had a high standing, and his publications sliow careful 
and discrhninating study and reseai'ch. Some of his 
more important works are "Bibliography of Charles- 
town and Bunker Hill," "l^ibliography of the Hawaiian 
Islands," "Historical Monuments of France," "History 
of Charlestown," "Hunnewell Genealogy," "The 
Imperial Island, England's Chronicle in Stone," and 
"Lands of Scott." He was a member of the Massachu- 
setts Flistorical Society and of its Council, of the New 
England Historic Genealogical Society, and of many 
business and social clubs. He has always shown a deep 
interest in this Society, has contributed to its Proceed- 
ings a paper on "Certain Great Monuments" to be 
found in new series, volume XVI, one on "Illustrated 
Americana," in three parts, to be found in new series, 



12 Aineriaui Aiiliquarian Socichj. \\[tv\\, 

volumes VI and VII, one on "Notes on Early Amei-iciui 
Literature" to be foinid in new serit^s, voliinK; XI, one 
on "Several Great Libraries" to be found in new stn'ics, 
volume XIII. He lias also given to the Society his own 
pul)lications and has made an extremely liberal contii- 
bution to the fund now being I'aised. He was a very 
constant and interested attendant ;it our meetings, 
whei'e his cordial greetings to all will, be sadly Uiissed. 
On April 3, 1872, he married Sarah M. Farnsworth, 
wlio with one son survives him. g_ u. 



LEONARD PARKER KINNICUTT. 

Leonard Parker Ivinnicutt was born in Worcester, 
Mass., May 22, 1854, resided there during liis hfe, and 
died February 0, lUll. He was graduated from the 
Massachusetts Institute of Technolog}' in 1875 with the 
degree of Sc. B. Following his graduation ho studied at 
Heidelberg and lionn iov four years and, retmning to the 
United States in 1879, took a year of pui^t-graduate work 
in Johns Ho])kins University. He then entered Harvard, 
where he remained for three years, receiving the degree of 
Sc. D. in 1882. While at Harvard he was also instructor 
in chemistry. Since 1883 lie has been connected 
with the Worcester Polytechnic Institute as assistant 
pi'ofessoi', ])rofessor, anil directur of the Chemical 
Laboratory. 

As a specialist in sanitatioii, jjaiticnlarly in relation 
to water supjjly and sewage disjjosal. Professor Kinni- 
cutt was widely known and was frequently called as an 
expert in clusmical matters. From 1903 to 1905 he 
was consulting chemist for the Connecticut Sewage 
Commission. He was a member of many learnc^d 
societies, American and foreign, including this Society 
which he joined in 1896 and to which he contributed 
a paper entitled "Nei)hrite and Jadeite" to be found 
in ncnv series, volume VI. He was a member of the 
Worcester Medical Conimission to investigate the 



1011. 



Ohituarics. 



13 



question of pure milk, and was the author of ruany 
publications rehiting to his specialties. 

S. U. . 

FRANCIS C;AB0T LOWELL. 

Francis Cabot Lowell was born in Boston, January 7, 
1855, resided in that city during liis life and died theie 
March G, 191L He was graduated from Harvard in 1S7G 
with the degree of A. B., studied in Harvard Law Sciiool 
1877-79, was admitted to tlie bar in 1880, practiced law in 
Boston till 1898 when he was ai)i)oiiited J udge of tlie United 
States District Court for the district of Massachusetts, 
holding tliat office until 1905 when he was appointed 
United States Cii'cuit Judge for the first circuit, in which 
office he died. Li characti/r and ability he stood amimg 
the very first, and his decisions were inc;t with approval 
by the bar as well as by the connnimity at large. He 
was the author of "Joan of ^Vrc," a notable work 
published in 1896, as well as numerous addresses and 
magazine articles. He served in the Boston ComuKiU 
Council, the Massachusetts Legislature, was a fellow of 
PLirvard University, a member of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, the Colonial Society of IMassachu- 
setts, and of this Society which he joined in 1895. 
The degree of LL. D. was conferred on him by Williams 
College in 1910. He was married in New York, Novem- 
ber 27, 1882, to Miss Cornelia Prhne Baylies. 

S. U. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON VINTON. 

Alexander Hamilton Vinton, a member of this Society 
since 1903, died January 18, 1911. He was born in Brook- 
lyn, N. Y., March 30, 1852, and was graduated from St. 
Stephen's College in 1873 with a degree of A. B. He then 
entered the General Theological Seminary in New Yoi'k 
where he remained until 187G, after which he studied as 
a graduate in the University of Leipsic. In 1878 he took 
charge of tlie Church (if the Holy Conununion in Nor- 



14 , , Ainviican. Antupiarian Socictij. [April, 

wood, N. J., going in 1870 to the Churcli of the Holy 
Comforter in Philadelphia. In 188-i he befanie rect(jr 
of All Saint's C!iiurch in Worcestef, Mass., wliich i^osi- 
tion he filled till 1902 when he was elected first bisho]) 
of tlie diocese of western Massachusetts, in which oifice 
he passed the remainder of his life. While devoted 
to his Church, he was not regarded as a partisan, 
and was noted for his executive capacity, iov his inter- 
est in missionary work, and for c^uict, wide-spread 
charity. 

He was a trustee of Smith College and of the General 
Theological Seminary. These honorary degrees were 
conferred upoji him: S. T. B., by the General Theolog- 
ical Seminary in 1876; D. D., by St. Stephen's College 
in 1890, the General Theological Seminary in 1902, and 
Williams College in 1909; and LL. D., by St. Stephen's 
College in 1902. In his death his Clmrch meets with 
a great loss. S. U. 



1911.] New Jersey Printers of the ISlli Cenlurtj 



15 



SOME NEW JERSEY PRINTERS AND 

PRINTING IN THE EIGHTEENTH 

CENTURY. 



BY WILLIAM NELSON. 






The story of the development of printing and of 
newspapers in New Jersey is mucii the same as in other 
parts of the country, and hence, while the theme here 
discussed is nominally local, it actually represents the 
experience of nearly every other Province and State in 
our Union. 

The ruling powers in England had always a jealous 
dread of the influence of the press, which in times of 
political excitement was wont to pour forth a torrent 
of virulent pamplilets, loading with obloquy the persons 
attacked. And so it was the rule to embody in the 
instructions given to the royal Governors of the several 
Provinces in America, strict injunctions for the restric- 
tion of the liberty of printing. Thus Queen Anne, in 
her instructions to Lord Cornbury, prescribing his powers 
and duties as Governor of New Jersey, November 16, 
1702, among other thmgs provided: 

99. Forasnmch as great inconveniences may arise by the 
liberty of printing in our said province, you ai'e to provide by 
all necessary orders, that no person keep any pi'ess for printing, 
nor that any book, paniplilet or other matters whatsoever be 
printed without your especial leave and license first obtained. 

Inasmuch as the Bradfords, William and Andrew, 
already had presses establislied at Philadelphia and at 
New York, there seemed to be no occasion for any print- 
ing office in New Jersey, and Cornbury had no oi)por- 



10 American Aniiquarian Society. \\\)v\\, 

tunity to exercise his restrictive powers in that ies]:)ect, 
ill til at Province. 

The Bradfords, indeed, had a monopoly oi' the print- 
ing for New Jersey, for more than half a century, with 
one or two exceptions. The earliest laws and other 
official publications of New Jersey bear the imprint 
of one or the other of tlie Bradfords, the printing being 
actually done in l^liiladelphia or New York. 

The First New Jersey Imprint. 

In the year 1723 there was published by Bradford, 
a book with the following title: 

Anno Kegni / Cleurgii / llcgis / I\hignre Hritunnini, I'ran- 
ciaj & Hiberuise / iJecinio, / At a Session of tlie General 
Assembly of the / C(jlony of New-Jersey, begun' the twenty 
fourth iJay of / .September, Amio Domini 1723. and (-(uitiimed 
by Ad- /jouriiiiients to the 30th Day of November following, 
at / which time the I'ollowing Acts were l\ibHshed. / [Royal 
Arms.] / Printed by William Bradford in the City of Perth- 
Amboy,/ 1723./ Folio. Title, 1 leaf; pp. 3-33, (1 blank), (4). 

This is the first bot)k with a New Jersey imprint. 

There is a curious fact connected with this edition 
of the laws. At the same time there was issued another 
edition, with precisely the same title, but with the 
imprint: "Printed by William Bradford, in tlie City 
of New-York, 1723." This had but thirty-two pages. 
A careful examination shows tliat these two editions 
were both printed in twos; the first twenty-four jjages 
of each edition were ])jinted from the same t^q^e and the 
same forms. Apparently to save one leaf the last eiglit 
pages for the New York edition were set in slightly 
wider measure, thus l:)ringing the book within tliirty- 
two pages. Evidently the Assembly, or its clerk, or 
some other official, objected to the removal of the (original 
manuscripts to a foreign jurisdiction, and insisted that 
the printing of the laws should be done witliin the 
Province, thereby forcing Bradford to bring his type 
and i)ress from New York down to Perth Ainbo}'-. 
After he had finished the printing of his .Perth Amboy 



101 I.] Niio Jersey PriitUrs of llic iSlk Cciilurij. 



17 



: i 



edition, he discovered that lie kicked paper .sullicicut 
to complete the lumiher of laws he had jjlaniied for the 
New York edition, and thei'eupoii he reset tlu; last nine 
pajies of the J\H-tli Aniboy issue, compressini^ them 
witliin e\g\it pages, through the exi)edient of using a 
wider measure. It seems to us surprising thut a jirinter 
should find it pay to reset eight folio jjages in order to 
save one leaf in a book. 

The Second New Jeksey iMPRrNT. 

The various laws and ordinances of tlie Piovince for 
the next four years were printed by William Bradford 
in New York. In 1728, however, the laws ^vere again 
])rinted in New Jersey, this time at Burlington by Sam- 
uel Keinier, who evidently brought up a j:)ress fr(jm 
riiiladelphia for the purpose. He ])i-inted some cuiTency 
for New Jersey at Burlington, at the same time, and 
there is reason to believe tiiat Benjamin Franklin had 
a hand in the work. The title of this hrst Burlington 
and second New Jersey imprint is as follows: 

Acts / and / Laws / of His Miijesty's |-*i'ovirice of Nova 
Cajsareu, or / New-Jersey: / As they were iOnacied by the 
Governor, / Couacii, and Ceuoral ABseiribly at a JSes- / sion 
held at Perth-Ainboy, beginning / the 'Jtli of Decenibci', 17-!7. 
in the / First Year of the Hcign of his ^Majesty / King George 
the Second. / [Royal Aims.]/ Burlington: Printed and Sold 
hy Samuel Keinier, / Printer to the King's Most Excellent 
Majesty, ff)r / tlie Province of New Jersey. MfJCXTXXVllJ. / 
Foho. Title, 1 leaf; advertisement, 1 leaf; jjp. [o]-51; TalJe, 
1 leaf. 

Only two copies are known, one being in the State 
Library at Trenton, and the otlier in my own collection. 

The First Permanent Printing Office in New 

Jersey, 

James Parker was born at Woodbridge, New Jersey, 
in 1714. He was a son of Samuel Parker, and a grand- 
son of Elisha Parker, who probably came from Barn- 
stable in Massachusetts, settling first at Woodbridge, 



i 



IS A/iicrican A niiqaarian iSucuiij. [Aiiril, 

whence he removed to SUiten IsUiiuh B}^ hidenlure 
dated January 1, 172G (1727, N. S.), we learn that, 
Parker's father being deceased, the boy i)ut hiniseU' 
apjjrentice to William Bradford, of the city of New 
York, Printer, "with him to live and (after the manner 
of an apprentice) to serve from the hrst day of Januaiy 
— Anno Domini One thousand seven himdied and twenty- 
six — till the full Term of Eight years be compleated 
and Ended," witli the usual pledges to serve as an ap- 
prentice; his master binding himself that during the 
said term he should "by the best means or Method that 
he can Teach or Cause the said Appitaitiee to be Taught, 
the Art or Mystery of a Piinter :ind liook-Biudci', " 
he to furnish him during the said term "with sullicient 
Meat, Drink, Apparel, Lodging and washing fitting for 
an apprentice and at the Expiration of said Term of 
Eiglit yea]'s shall give to said Ap])rentice two suits oi 
Apparel one of them to be new." The boy seems to 
have found liis service a hard one, for in the "New York 
Gazette" of May 21, 1733, Bradf(ji'd advertised him 
as liaving run away. It is not unlikely tliat he wandered 
to Philadelphia and found employment in the ollice of 
Benjamin Fraiddin. That slirewd judge of boys and 
men afterwards })roved liimself to be a substantiid 
backer and life-long friend of the Jersey printer. On 
February 20, 1741-2, Fi'anklin formed a (H)partnei'ship 
with him "for the Cariying on the Business of Printing 
in the City of New- York," for the term of "Six Years 
from the Day on which he, the said J;mies Parker, shall 
be in possession of a Printing-Press, Types and Materials 
in the City of New-York aforesaid, [)rovided by tlie 
said Benjamin Franklin," who was to furnish a printing 
press, with its appurtenances, and four hundred weight 
of letter, dehvered at New Y^ork to Parker. The busi- 
ness and working part of the printing was to be under 
the management and control of Parker. The supplies, 
r(_'nt, etc., were to be divided into three eqvud parts, Uvo- 
thii'ds to be defrayed by Franklin, and the other third 
by Parker. The profits were to be diviiled on the like 



lOil.] New Jersey Prinlers uf the ISth Cenlury. 19 

basis. Parker sceuis to have maintained the closest 
and most confidential Ixisincss relations witli Franklin 
during the rest of his life, receiving from hiiu marks of 
the greatest confidence; and the closest intimacy sub- 
sisted between the families of tlie two men. Brad- 
ford's "New York Gazette," established in 1725, when 
the printer was sixty-five years of age, steadily grew 
worse in appearance and contents, as the print(^r ad- 
vanced in years. Toward the end of 1742, it was evi- 
dently in a moribmid condition, antl there was clearly 
a demand for a better and more up-l(j-(hite paper in 
New York. Accordingly, on January 4, 1742-3, Parker 
issued a new paper, the third in New York, "The New- 
York Weekly Post-Poy." The "Gazette" lingered 
along until November 19, 1744, when it finally expired. 
Parker thereupon changed the name of liis paper to 
"The New-York Gazette, revived in The Weekly 
Post-Boy." Beginning December 1, 1743, he secured 
from the New York /Assembly the appointment of public 
])rinter for tliat Province. After various experiences 
in the conduct of his newspaper in New York, he es- 
tablished, in 1751, a printing office in his native town 
of Woodbridge, and from 1753 on he gave liis personal 
and almost exclusive attention to his Woodbridge plant. 
Thus Parker was the first native Jersey printei', and set 
up the first permanent printing office in that State. 
The "Votes and Proceedings of the General Assembly 
of the Province of New Jersey," for the session held 
July 22-27, 175G, constituted his hrst ofhcial printing 
at Woodbridge; the first Laws from liis press were the 
Acts passed March 23-August 12, 1758. On September 
26, 1758, he was appointed by the Assembly "G(n'ern- 
ment Printer"; and on September 9, 1702, "King's 
Printer" for New Jersej'', which ofhce he retained until 
his death in 1770, printing all the laws and orcUnances 
of the Province during that time at Woodbridge, tlie 
last issue of his press there being the Votes of the session 
held at Burlington, March 14-27, 1770. Tie was like- 
wise honored with tlu^ appointment of Judge of the 



1 

T 



20 Aiiicrican Anliquarian Socuiy. (Apiil, 

Court of Common Picas of Middlesex County, Juno 2, 
1764, and it is stated in liis obituary notice that lie was 
likewise "Captain of a Troop of Horse." The most 
important production of his jjrinting office was a com- 
pilation of the laAvs of the Province from 1753 to 170 1, 
the work of Samuel Nevill, who had caused tlie hrst 
volume of his compilation to be printed by William Bratl- 
ford, second, at Philadelphia, 1752. The second volume 
bears the imprint: " Woodbridge, in New Jersey: Printed 
by James Parker, Piinter to the King's Most Excellent 
Majesty, for the Province." It is a well printed folio, 
pp. X., (2), 401, 50, 64, (2). In 1704 he was the author, 
printer and publislier of a bulky, small octavo volume 
(pp. xxi, 592), entitled "Conductor Generahs, " setting 
forth the powers and duties of a Justice of the Peace, 
an office which he held liimself. The book was in great 
vogue for twenty years or more, being reprinted in 1788 
by Hugh Gaine at New York. Aside from the books 
mentioned, and the Votes and Acts, his work was, for 
the most part, of trifiing importance. 

On or about April 12, 1755, he begaii the publication 
of the first newspaper in Connecticut, "The Connecti- 
cut Gazette," tlie first number of which bears this 
imprint: "New Haven, in Connecticut: Printed by James 
Parker, at tlie Post-Oflice, near tlie Sign of the White 
Horse." This was a little sheet of four pages, the 
printed page measuring 6}- 2 by D^-"! inches, afterv/ards 
enlarged to 93-2 ^^Y 14 inches, two columns to the page. 
It is said that Benjamin Franklin sent the printing 
plant on to New Haven in the fall of 1754, with the in- 

: ,1 tention of establishing his nephew, Benjamin Mecom. 

That young man declined the opportunity, and Piirker 

: assumed the task, buying the material of Franklin. 

- ■ From November 29, 1755, he associated with liim John 

Holt, under the firm name of James Parker and Com- 
pany. Holt tliought to better himself by going to New 
York in 1700, whereupon Thomas Green was emj)loyed 

;. ■ •" \' to conduct the "Gazette," which was continued till 

k.'- ^' ■■ April 17, 1764, when it was sus]x^nded. Benjamin 



1911.] New Jersey Printers of the ISth. CenUtry. 21 

Mecom revived the ]);i})er July 5, 1765. It fiiiall}- 
ceased with Number 5i)G, Fel^ruary 19, 1768. 

The First New Jersey Magazine. 

In 1758, Parker, witii the as.sistanee of .s(jine hterai-y 
genthsmen o( the Province, issued "The New Aniei-ican 
Magazine," edited by "Sylvaiius Aniericanus, " a 
pseudonym assumed by Samuel Nevill, Second Judge; of 
the Supreme Court of the Province, 1719-1764, who hvcd 
in the neighboring town of Pertli Amboy. The new 
Magazine proini)tly superseded "The American Maga- 
zine," which had been luiblished for a short time at 
Philadelphia. The contents of a single number (the 
first) are thus paged: Title, 1 leaf; History of Noi'Lh 
America, pp. 1-16; The Ti'aveller, pp. 1-8; The Monthly 
Miscellany, pp. 1-24 (including Poetical Essays, ])\). 13-16, 
The Chronological Diary, pp. 17-20, and The IlistorJra! 
Chronicle, pp. 21-24), and Naval Engagements, (2), 
or 48 in all, exclusive of the first leaf and the last, which 
were regarded as the wrapper. Beginning with the 
third number, March, 1758, there was given in The 
Historical Chronicle, a leaf of "Meteorological Obser- 
vations at Philadelphia" for the month. The collation 
of such a Magazine is the despair of the bibliographer. 
This periodical appeared regularly from January, 1758, 
until March, 1760 — twenty-seven numbers, when it 
was reluctantly discontinued for the surely adecjuate 
reason that there was "a Deficiency in the Number 
of Subscribers to defray the Expence of Printing." 
It was well edited (according to the ideas of that day), 
contained considerable oiiginal matter and ne\vs, and 
was a neatly printed octavo. 

A Curious Paper, with a Curious History. 

The first newspaper, if it may be so called, printed 
in New Jersey, was ciuite certainly pi'inted by Parker 
at Woodbridge. This was a protest against the passage 
of the Stamp Act. Thomas, in his "History of Print- 



22 Arncricu'ii AiUltjuarian Soctclij. [A])ril, 

ing," says it was entitled "Tlie Conalitalidiuil (ruzillc, 
containing Matters interesting to Liberty — bat no wise 
Ivepngnant to Loyalty. Li the center of tlie title was 
the device of a snake, cut into parts, to represent col- 
onies. Motto — 'Join or Die' Tins paper 

was without date, but was printed in September, 1705. 
It contained several well written and s|)irited essays 
against the (jbnoxioiis Stamp Act, which were so highly 
colored, that tlie eelitors of newspapers in New Yoik, 
declined to publish thenr. ... It had a ra])id sale and 
was, I believe, reprinted in New York and at Boston." 
In the reprint of the History, issue-d by the Anti(iuarian 
Society in 1874, there is a cori'ection, changing the name 
"Gazette," to "Courant. " The History was originally 
printed forty-live years after the issue of tlie i^ajjer in 
ciuestion. I have often Avondei'ed if the correction were 
correct. In other words, may there not have been an 
edition of this paper stjded "The Constitutional 
Gazette"? Governor Golden, of New York, writing to 
the Hon. PI. S. Conway, His Majesty's Principal Sec- 
retary of State, for the Southern J^eiiartnient, under 
date of New York, 12th October, 1765, says that the 
Postmaster of tliat city had infoi'nied liim that "one or 
more bundles" of tlie paper "were delivered at Wood- 
bridge in New Jersey, to the Postrider, by James Parker, 
Secrettary of the Gejicral Post Oflice in America. Parker 
was formerly a Printer in this Place & has now a Print- 
ing Press & continues to pi'inl, occasionally. It is 
believed that this Paper was printed by liim." From 
a careful comparison made about ten years ago of one 
of the issues of this paper with a contemiioiary copy 
of Parker's "New-York Post-Boy," I was satisfied that 
both papers were printed from the same type; and, 
moreover, that the wood-cut in the heading of the "Cou- 
rant" was tlie identical wood-cut used by Parker in 
his "Post-Boy" at the time of the Albany Congress, 
in 1754, when the plan of uniting the Colonies was so 
strongly urged. A closer examinati(jn shows that there 
were at least two issues of the paper with this device 



1911.] New Jersey Printers of the ISth Century. 



33 



iji the l)eadin<i;, llic symljul being ])rintod from (liCtcfCut 
cuts, one of them enclosed within rules. The type also 
has been reset. iVnother edition has no such device in 
the lieading. All three of these issues have the same 
title, "The Constitutional Courant, " and are dated 
above tlie heading, "Saturday, September 21, 17G5, 
Numb. 01- Num. 1." A copy with tlie device in tlie 
heading, in the Ridgway Branch of the Philadelphia 
Library Company, has a note under the coloj)hon, in 
the handwriting of Du Simitiei'c: "This is the Original, 
Published in New York." Most of tlie (copies extant 
consist of two pages, of tln-ee columns each. In the 
Library just named there is a copy having but one i)age, 
with three columns, and lacking the device. At the 
end Du Simitiere lias printed: "This was published in 
Pliiladelphia. " >Still another edition lias two pages, 
witli two \vidc columns and one narrow column. Home 
years ago 1 located two copies, of different issues, in 
the Harvard Library; own in tlie Boston Atheiueum, 
and one in the Alassachusetts Historical Society — 
making four in all in this intellectual center; one at 
Yale; one in the Lenox Library, New Yoik; two, of 
dii'ferent issues, in the Philadelphia Library, Ridgway 
Branch; one in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; 
and one in my own collection, the last since consumed 
in the Paterson fire of 1902. This leaves nine in Ameri- 
ca; perhaps there are more. I found six copies in the 
House of Commons papers in London, probably sent 
over by Governor Colden, and I think one in the Public 
Record Office. 

The Work of the Woodbuidce Press. 

I have listed seventy-nine issues of the Woodljridge 
Press, from 1754 to 1770, inclusive. Of these, two were 
issued in 1776, witli the imprint of Samuel P. Parker, 
James Parker's son. Twenty-five of them were occa- 
sional orations, sermons, discourses, and the like. The 
rest were the acts and votes of the Legislature. The 
two works mentioned aliove were the n:iost compre- 



f 



24 American Antiquarian. Sociclij. l-^pi'il 

heiisivo. 11 ic last book was tlie Ads of the Legislature, 
passed March 21-27, 1770. 

The First Permanent Printing Office at Buuling- 
ton; and the Spoiling of a Pi:etty Stokv. 

In Thomas's History of Piiiiting, the inii)ortance and 
value of which I appreciate more fully as I dive 
more deeply into tlie history of .American printing and 
American newspapers, there is told this pretty story: 

To accommodate the printing of iSmiili's liiHtuiy of New- 
jersey, in 1765, Parker removed his press to Burlington, and 
there began and compk^.Lcd the work, consistiny, of 570 paiii's, 
deniy octavo, and then returned witli hi.s press to \Vi)0(lfiri(fti;e. 

It is a pretty story, is it not? It would be so niu(;h 
easier for the autlior of the history to send his manu- 
script up to Woodbridge, than it woidd be f(jr a prnder 
to move his printing office, which liad been established 
for fourteen years, down to Burlington, a distance of 
forty or fifty miles. Parker was a native of Woodl:iridge, 
and would be loth to leave his native town for Bur- 
lington. Moreover, he had close business relations 
with New York. He was coinptroUer of the post offices 
in America, and had his offices at Woodl)i-idge. He 
issued at least five bits of priiding from Wofxlbridge 
in 17G5, which would seem to militate against the sup- 
position that he luxd moved his office to Burlington. 
At Burlington, also, he printed the votes of the Assem- 
bly, held Novend)er 20-30, 1705. Altogetlier, there 
seemed much reason to doul)t the acciu'acy (jf this story. 
But Thomas is so very reliable; he was a practical printer, 
and would see and weigh tlie improbability of this 
tradition, which would be only a tradition as it came 
to him. 8o if he accepted it as a fact, anyone doubting 
it would hesitate before giving voice to his doubts. 
However, here is Parker's own account of tins venture, 
in some letters to Benjamin Franklin, in the spring 
of 1705, and later: 

Woodbridge March 2S, 17(35 . . . Samuel Smith, M-^q' 
of Bui'lingtun, has some years since l)een couii)o^ing a History 



1911.] New Jersey PrinUrs of llui ISlh Century. 25 

of New Jersey: — I !i;ul loKl liiiu seven years a.i^o, if he luul it 
printed by me, 1 WduKI ^o to iJuilington to do it: — A few 
Weeks aj^o, he claiin'd my Promise, and as I have not much 
Work here, and 1 was otherwise strongly invilod thither, ujion 
deliberathig of it, — 1 apprehended, that the J'nidiiig iMatcriais 
of JJen: iMecom's which wei'e in my .Store Room in New York, 
if you wanted tliem for any Cause, the)' would be handier for 
you at Bnrlington, than at NYork, but that, if not, 1 would 
take them myself and pay you for tliem: — Tliey are indeed 
valued in l'>. Mecom'-s Book, as they cost new, whei'eas they 
. are not quite so: However, I apprehended, we shoukl not 
differ about tliem; and if you did not chuse to let me liavc them, 
I could but allow you for the little Use 1 might make of them 
till called for: I went to New York, and this Day Week shii)|>'d 
them on board of a sloop to go round by Water to Pliiladel])hia, 
in order that they might not be bi'uised by Land Carriage: — 
I hope they will get there safe tho' this JMontii is a pi-ecarious 
.Season, but as its but a little Way, I flatter myself the}' will 
be safe: — . ... 1 sliall take two or tlu'ee <.)f my Boys with 
lue, and leave m}' Wife here, as also my .Son with this f-'rinting- 
Ofiice if happily lie niay get or do as much Work as will main- 
tain him. it is probaljle I shall finish in 5 oj- (J Months, oi' 
perhaps sooner, unless more \V^ork than I expi'ot shoukl offer; 
and if any such Encouragement should offer, it is not impiob- 
able but I ma}' remove thither entirely. 

V. .S. April 2, 17G5 . . . The ])rinting Material which I 
shi])ped round, are arrived safe at iiurlington, and 1 am gi>ing 
to set off for that [)lace as soon as y* lloads will let mo; 

Burlington. April 25, 1705 . . .In my last to you, 1 acejuaint- 
ed you of my intention to remove the Press and [)rinting Ma- 
terials, late B. Mecom's to this Place, and of my having shipjied 
them accordingly: — By a small Pamphlet, you will receive 
from the Gov"' you will perceive it done: — I am just now liiush- 
ing it: — 1 then told you, 1 api)rehended , that if you were desir- 
ous of doing any Thing else with them, they would be handy 
here; but if you inclined to part with tliem if such Prospect 
api)eared that I could purchase them, I would: — We had some 
Design of doing a News ]japer here, but the News of tlie Iviiling 
Stamp, lias struck a deadly Blow to all my Hopes on that 
Head — .... I should not have come to 13urlington, where 
my Family of Boys only are with me, but foi- tlu; Governor's 
I . Desire, aiul a Book I am going to print for Sam: Smith, Esq' 

I called The History of New Jersey, which I had promised him 

I to come and do seven years ago, if he proceeded on with it. — 

I I might inobably have removed for good, as the printing 

j* Business is so very frivolous and trhlling at Woodln'idge, but 



26 American Antiqaaruui Soci'cly. [April, 

tlie Cruel Staiiip-I )uly lias filled me with fresh A[)i)ieheiisi(iii.:5, 
that I conceive, 1 shall soon dru]) all the Business entii-e.' 

Philadelphia, June 14, f7(J5 ... I lunc infoi-ni'd 3'ou, 
I had sent B. JMecom's I'j-inting Materials loiind to Jku'lington, 
where I am (.loin<>; a Book lor >Sanuiel Smith, called the Ilistori/ 
of A'cd) Jciseij: — lie does but (iUU of iJiem, and its thought will' 
consist of between 25 imd 30 sheets <S^" I had Thought of pur- 
chasing them: Ikit being distressed on every Q.uarter, and 
the fatal Black-Acl lately pa.ssed, nnist render printing of ^•er3' 
little Consequence: so that I think I cannut alToj'd to purchase 
them, unless they shonhl come much cheafjor than the Charge 
of them to Mecom; — arnl indeed they are in many Things tlie 
worse for wear. — f had rather pay U<r the IJse of them, in 
printing this Book, but as to anv 'riiing of Ihis Alatter, I hoiJe 
we shall not dilTer:--h>i- they will be handier to dispose of at 
your I'leasure, here than, at New York: — 

Jiurlington, Sei)t. '22, 17G5 .... Mr. Smith's History 
has yet 5 oi' (J moi'e sheets at least . . . 

Woodbridge, Oct. 10, 17G5 . . . J:5eing called to different 
Busines.ses on account of y*^ jjresent Situation of Affairs, f have 
neither had Time to pi'oceetl with the i\ccounts lun- tinish 
Samuel Smith's Ilistoiy : — 

Burlington, Decemh). 'JO, 171)0 ... I wrot(; tt) you to beg 
to know, what 1 shall do wi(li Ihc I'jc^ss and Materials 1 have 
here late Benj. Aleconi's. as 1 will deli\-er Ihem to youi' Order 
at Philadelphia. 1 Iia\e finished the Book of S. Smiths, and 
ray Hands are all gone to New- York and Woodbridge, where 
I should have followed, but for ni}^ illness. — .... 

Burlington, Jan. 4, 17(10. My Illness has detain'd me here 
upon Cost, or I had been with all my b'amily al Woodbiidge 
by this Time, — I have lujt but a Weiu'li and three young 
People with me: — all the rest are at Woodbridge, tho' little 
or nothing going on, but sickness. — I wish I may know where 
to put these Materials for your Pleasure, as 1 would leave them: 
— If 1 can get to New Y'oi'k before the first of May, 1 will: 

Philadelphia, Fel)ruary o, 170(3 1 ha,ve noljody at 

work at Burlington, nor no Avork. I wish 1 may hear where 
to dispose of those Printing Materials of B. Mecom's, as I 
can't leave them at Burlington."'' 

'The "Governor" referred to waa William Fruiiklin, Beujiimiu Fnniklio's son, tLc 
last Royal Governor of New Jersey. 

'The original of the ab(jve letters are in the American PUilodophical Society, at 
Philadulijliia. Most of them were publL^hed in the Procudiiigs of the Massachiuetts 
lliatorical Society, Series 2, Vol 10, pp. ly7-203. 



1911.] New Jersey Prinlers of the 18th. Cciilttry. 



>7 



Thus we see that Parker did iiui remove his i)i'iiiting 
plant from Woodbridge to Burlingto]i, but tliat he set 
up an independent establisliment tliere for tlie purpose 
not only of printing Smith's History, but of doing other 
printing as well. 

As I have said, it is a pretty story. 

Nun (' vero, 6 beii trovato. 

Parker continued liis outfit at Burlington until his 
death, July 2, 1770, in liis lifty-sixth year. He had been 
a great sufferer for several years from the gout. He 
was buried the day after his death, with much pomp, 
at Woodbridge. Besides the press and types at Bur- 
lington, he left one press at New Haven, two at New York 
and one at Woodbridge, all of which he bequeathed to 
his son. "The New York Gazette or Weekly Post- 
Boy, " in giving a brief account of his death and burial, 
added this scanty characterization: "Mr. Parker has 
carried on the Printing Business, chiefly in New- York, 
and some Time in New Jersey, for about 30 Years, and 
was. eminent in his Profession. He possessed a sound 
Judgment, & extensive Knowledge: He was indus- 
trious in Business, upright in his Dealings, charitable 
to the Distressed, and has left a fair Character, on which 
we have neither Time nor Room to enlarge. " Thomas 
says: " Parker was a correct and eminent printer . . . 
he possessed a sound judgment, and a good heart; was 
industrious in business, and upright m his dealings." 

Immediately on the death of Parker, a petition was 
presented to the Assembly of New Jersey, dated Sep- 
tember 28, 1770, by Samuel F. Parker, his son, stating 
that the printing ofhce at Woodbridge had devolved 
on him, and praying the house to appoint him their 
printer. The next day, Isaac Collins memorialized the 
Assembly that having been informed of the death of 
the late James Parker, he had removed his printing office 
from Philadelphia to Burlington, and asked to be apjDointed 
their printer. Three days later a vote was taken on 
the question, eight memljers voting for young Parker, 



\- 



28 Ai/uriciin Anluinurlun Socidij. [\[)n\, 

and ten for Collin.s, wlio was thei-efoie apixiinted the 
printer to (lie Assembly. Only a) unit a year before, 
or in 17G9, he had formed a partncrshi]) with Jusepli 
Cruksliank in Philadeljjhia, in the carrying on of a 
printing office tliere, and a book and stationery stcjre. 
Collins did much excellent work at Burlington, and of 
great variety in character. A splenditl production of 
his press was Sewel's History of the Quakers, printed 
in 1774; a sumptuous quarto of 840 pages. It is printed 
on good paper, in large clear type, the register is perfect, 
and altogether it is a model specimen of typografihy. 

The First Permanent Newspaper in New Jersey, 

As the Revolution progressed, the want of a news- 
paper in New Jersey, that should reflect the sentiment 
of the struggling patriots, was keenly felt. At a meeting 
of the Legislatui'e, October 11, 1777, this message was 
received from (iovemor William Livingston: 

Cicntlemcn: It would be an unnecessary Consumption of 
Time to enumerate all the Advantages that would reilouud to 
tlie State iVoni having ;i Weekly News-Paper printi-d and 
circulated iu it. — To facilitate such an Undertaking, it is pin- 
posed that the first l^apei' Ijc circulated as soon as seven hun- 
dred subscril)ers, whose Punctuality in jjuying may jje relied 
upon, shall be i^ncured: Or if Government will insure seven 
hundred subscribers who shall pay, the Work will be immedi- 
ately begun; and if at the Entl of six Months there sliall be 
seven hundred or more subscribers who will i)ay ])unctually, 
the Claim upon the (k)veinnient to cease. But it' the sub- 
scribers fall short of that Number, Govei'nment to becomo 
a subscriber so as to make up tluit Numbiu'. The i-'iice in 
these fluctuating Times can huixlly Ijc ascertained, but it is 
supposed it cannot at present be less than Twenty -six sliillings 
per Year, which will be but six Peace a t^i])ci-. 

The matter was referred to a Connnitfee, of whom 
William Cdiiu'chill Houston was chairman, wiio after 
a conference with Collins, made a report wlierein they 
reconnnended that his proposal be accepted, to wit: 
1. A paper to be printed weekly, in four folio pages, 
and entitled, "New-Jersey Gazette"; 2. Price to be 



11)11. J New Jtrscy I'rinUrs (if the ISlh Cailiirij. 2i) 






twenty-six shillings per year; 3. The r^egislature to 
giuii-antee seven humlred subscribers witliin six months; 
4. A Cross- Post to lie established from tlie Pi-inting 
Office, t(j the nearest (!ontincntal post oilice at the ex- 
pense of the State; ij. llu; printer antl four workmen 
to be exempted fnan service in the militia. Tliese 
recommendations were adoptetl, and the lirst number 
of tliis subsidized newspaper was issued to the world, 
December 5, 1777. It was a neatly-] jrin ted four-i)a,o;e 
sheet, four columns to the page. Collins I'emoved Ids 
printing plant to Trenton with the issue for March 4, 
1778. He received sucIl feeble support that in July, 
1783, he discontinued the publication. He resumed, 
however, in a numljer for Tuesday, December 9, 17S3, 
and continued uiilil ]\Ionday, November 27, 17SG, 
when with Number 446 he suspended publication for 
the second and last time. He continued, nev^ertheless, 
to print at Trenton, socJate as 1796, holding the olfice of 
public printer during most of that time. Among the 
issues of Ids Trenton press were a compilation of the 
laws, 1776-1783, printed in 1784 in a large folio; Ram- 
sey's History of the I{evolutio)i of South Carolina,' in 
two very creditable octavo volumes; a well printed 
octavo New Testament in 1788; another edition of the 
New Testament in the same year in 16mo., of which 
I am fortunate enough to be the owner of the only 
copy extant. His edition of the Bible in quarto, pub- 
lished in 1791, was a most formitlalde undertaking, 
and was a highly creditable specimen of typography, 
enjoying a deserved pojiulaidty for thirty or forty years. 
He issued an octavo edition of the Bible in 1793. Al- 
together, the issues of his press at Burlington were 
fifty in number; while those at Trenton foot up more 
than one hundred and thirty. 

Isaac Collins was born 2d nio. 16, 1746, in New Castle 
County, Delaware. He was apprenticed to James 
Adams, i^rinter, in Wilmington, Delawaj-e, and at Ins 
reciuest, in his twentieth year entered the office of Wil- 
liam Rind, at Williamsburg, Virginia. He removed to 



f 



30 Avicrican Anliquariaa SocUii/. [April, 

Philadelpliia in 170G, where he was eni|)loycd aliDut 
eighteen months in the printing oihce of William Ciod- 
dard and others, and soon became acquainted with 
Joseph Crukshank, with whom he formed a partnership, 
as ah'eady stated, whicli sul:)sisted for a very short time, 
owing to a lack of capital on the part of Ctjllins. A 
certificate of his api)ointment as printer for New Jersey 
is in the possession of his descendants. It bears date, 
October 30, 1770. He removed to New York in 1796, 
where three years later he opened a printing office, 
taking one of his sons into pjartnership in 1802 in his 
printing office and the b(jok-selling business. This enter- 
prise was carried on l)y various descendants so kite as 
1884. In 180S, Isaac Collins returned to Burlington, 
where he died 3d mo. 21, J 817. He was an excellent 
printer, and was always regarded as a tlLorougldy 
upright, honest citizen. 

Another Subsidized War New^spaper— The New 
Jersey Journal. 

You remember that remarkably precocious compo- 
sition of Alexander Hamilton, a lad of but fourteen years, 
when he wrote his vivid description of the hurricane 
at St. Croix, in the West Indies, in' 1772? Now, about 
that time there was in St. Christopher's a y(jung printer 
from Delaware, Shepard Kollock, who had repaired 
thither on account of his health, two years before. 
What more natural tlian to suppose that he set up this 
letter of Hamilton's, and that from this circumstance 
there arose a friendship between tlie two young men? 
Seven years later Hamilton was on the staff of General 
Washington, and engaged in tlie Revolutionary War, 
while Kollock was a Lieutenant in CoL John Lamb's 
Artillery Regiment, enlisted in the same struggle. Both 
were in northern New Jersey. The New Yoi'k news- 
papers were then in the control of the lii'itisli. The 
Trenton newspaper wtis i)ublished by a Quaker. Evi- 
dently there was occasion for a newspaper ardently 
devoted to the American cause. Shepard Kollock was 



1911. 



Nt'iv Jersey Prliilcrs 0/ Ihc IStli Ceidunj. 



:n 



induced to start such a newspaper, witli the title "The 
New-Jersey Journal/' February 16, 1779, at Chathani, 
New Jersey, four or five miles from Morristown, where 
Washington frequently had his headquarters. It lias 
been said that Gentu-al Knox suggested it. Is it un- 
reasonable to suppose that Hamilton induced his friend 
of St. Kitt's, and his fellow artiller}' oflicer, to become 
the founder of this newspaper? That it was started 
as a "war measure," with official backing, further 
appears from sundry' receipts (the origin^ds are in my 
collection) of the Army Commissary at JNIoni-town 
during 1780, showing that on February 2, lie funiished 
Kollock with "Nine Hundred W of old Tent Unhtt 
for service"; also the same day "one Ream letter Paper 
three Ream Common Paper." A week later "one 
Ream of Common Paper" was furnished foi' the use of 
"Shepard Kollock Printer at Chatham"; and three days 
later "Fourteen quire connnon & four quire large Post 
Paper," receipted for by Shelly Arnett, wlio was an 
apprentice and a fe\v years later a partner of Kullock. 
On March 29 "One ream Connnon paper" was furnislied 
to Kollock "for printing returns." On May 21, lie 
was given "Eight Hundred Tliree Quarters & Twelve 
pound old Tent Cloath, " presumaljly to be manufactured 
into paper. On June 4, the Commissary delivered for 
his use, "Two Bundles Old Tent Rags w'^ Two Hundred 
One Quarter Also Six Ream Paper for Printing j-eturns 
for Ad^' Gen' Also One Other Bagg w^ Two Hundi'ed 
One Quarter old tent Rags." The furnisliing of a news- 
jiaper i)rinter with supplies from the very scanty army 
stores is, I think, ratlicr a unique incident of the Revo- 
lution. 

"The Political Intelligencer and New Jersey 
Advertiser" — the Becjnning of Printing 
. AT New Brunswick. 

The close of the War fcnuid Kollock located in a little 
country village, I'emote from any considerable center of 
population. He aspired to a broader and more active 



\ 



32 American Anfiqnarinn S(X-ieii/. [A|iril, 

field of service. Accordingly he removed to New Bruns- 
wick, the «e;it of Queen's College (now Rutgers), and 
there formed a partnership with his sometime apprentice, 
Shelly Arnett, the firm name being KoIIock an(l AriK'tt, 
by whom was issued "The Political Intelligencer and 
New Jersey Advertiser," ou Tuesday, October 14, 17S3, 
the printing office being "at the f^arracks," a building 
which had Ijeen erected by the Province about 1758 iov 
the ciuartering of the British troops stationed in New 
Jersey from time to time. The new ]3aper was a neatly- 
printed sheet, of four pages, three columns to the page, 
with a flowery cut for a heading. Later, the printing 
office was removed to the College. The partnership 
was discontinued July G, 17S4, after which the newspa])er 
was carried on by KoUock alone, lie wielded a tren- 
chant pen, prided himself uixni his army service, and 
was fiei'ce in his denunciation of the tories or refugees. 
He declined to publish a poem with a Latin introduction, 
"for fear oi wounding the delicacy of some of Ids female 
readers," and, moreover, recommended Dilworth's Spell- 
ing Book to the writer. Again, he gave notice that a 
communication entitled "The Pleasures of Celei)acy; 
or the Miseries of Matrimony, are inadniissable — we 
profess ourselves advocates foi' tlie connubial state." 
Number 79, Wednesday, April 20, 1785, was issued from 
Elizabethtown. With the issue for Wednesday, May 
10, 1780, Numb. 134, the title was changed to "New- 
Jersey Journal and Political Intelligencer." It is still 
published as the " Elizabeth Daily Journal." Kollock was 
an excellent craftsman. At Elizabeth he printed several 
works of considerable size, including Bisho]) Thomas 
Newton's "Dissertations on the Prophecies," two vol- 
umes; Klopstock's "Messiah"; an octavo editi(jn of 
the New Testament; the "American Pi'eaehcr, " three 
volumes; two or three collections of poems and liynms, 
etc.; nor should it be forgotten that he first gave to 
the world Jedidiah Morse's famous "American Geog- 
raphy," in 1780; nor that one of the earliest editions 
of that delightful classic, Weems's "Life, of Washing- 



ion.] New Jersey Printers of the ISlh Cent 



ury. 



33 



ton," was printed by Kolloek in 1 800. lie issued also 
tlie tliiixl Now Jersey Magazine, Nunilicr 1, Vol. 1, for 
Ai)ril and May, !78!), being issued in the latter month, 
under the formidable title, "TJie C'hristian's, Scholar's, 
and Farmer's Magazine; ealculated, in an eminent de- 
gree, to prouKjte Religion; to disseminate useful Knowl- 
edge; to afford literaiy Pleasure; and Anuisement; and 
to advance the interests of Agricultui'o. B}^ a numljcr 
of dentlemen." 

The evacuation of New York City by the liritish, 
insjnred KoUock to start a paper there, and on Monday, 
December 7, 17S3, he issued "The New York Gazeteer, 
and Comiti-y Journal," a weekly paptM', wliich in the 
fol]t)\viug March became a tri-weekly, issued evei-}^ 
Monday, Wednesday, and I'Viday. This was continued 
until Friday, December 3, 1784, Numl)er 130. With 
the issue for December 7, 1784, the WMno. was shortened 
and corrected to "The New York Gazetteer," published 
cveiy Tuesday and Fiiday, and beginning a new system 
of numeration, Vol. 1, Numl)er 1. The amenities of 
journalism, as observed in olden times, are shown by 
this ])aragraph in the "New York Gazetteer," of Jan- 
uary 31, 178G: 

The printer liaving yestoi'da}' nuule a (liscovi'vi/ of the grossest 
■jicrfKl;/ in the coiiduft of SAMIJI'IL LOUDUN will give the 
details of the whole all'air in I'l'iday's t'liper. — hi,s charaelcj' 
is well formed in the following lines: 

To Good and EVIL equal bent, 
/./c's both a DIOVIL o/K^ « SAINT. 

He withdrew from this paper witli the issue for Decem- 
ber 11, 178(). The next number, 72, December 14, 1786, 
api)eared as the "New York Gazetteer & l^aily 
Evening Post." 

Shepard Kolloek was born at Lewes, Delaware, 1751, 
and ])robably learned his trade with James Adams at 
Wilmington. lie did some excellent work as a printer, 
especially considering the conditions in wliich he was 
placed. Fifteen issues of his jn-ess at Chatham are 
known, and one at New Bruns\yick, while his Eliza- 



34 Anicrican Anluiunridn Suciclij. [Api'ii, 

bethtown presr. tunied (jut at least fifty diffeiXMit wui'ks. 
Mr. Kollock retired frurn the printing business Septem- 
ber 1, 1818, enjoying a pleasant utimn cunt dii/iillaic 
for nearly twenty-one years longer, ib- was Tostniaster 
at Elizabethtown, 1820-1829, and Judge of the Conunon 
Pleas of Essex County for thirty-five years, "closing 
a long and useful life in Christian hope, July 22, 1839, 
aged eighty-eight years. " 

Later New Brunswick Nj-iwspapers. 

The removal of KoUoek to Elizabethtown left tlie 
field open at New Brunswick, an opportunity speedily 
availed of by Shelly Aj'nett, who launched "'The ]5runs- 
wick Gazette, and Weekly Monitor," October 5, 178(j. 
It had four pages, three wide columns to the r)age. 
The issue for Tuesday, July 2G, 1787, has Ixdow the 
imprint the motto: "The Liberty of tlje Press is 
essential to the security of Freedom in a State; it ought 
not, theref(;re, to be restrained in this commonwealth, 
—Massachusetts Bill of Bights." Numb. 188, Tuesday, 
May 4, 1790, has the name of Abi-aham IMauvelt as 
publisher, wlio remained as such until October 30, 1792, 
No. 318, when the "Gazette" was discontinued, l)eing 
succeeded b}' "The Guardian; oj', New-I3runswick 
,> ' Advertiser," the issue for Wednesday, Novemljer 7, 

1792, Vol. I, No. I, bearing the imprint of Arnett & 
Blauvelt. But the i)artnership was of brief duration, 
Blauvelt resuming the entire control, in the fall of 

1793, which he retained for twenty years or more. 
Arnett, proljably in a hull" at the dissolution of the 

partnership, at once started a new paper, which he 
called "Ai-nett's New-Jersey Federalist," the fir.-t 
number of which appeared directly after he Ijroke with 
■ . V Blauvelt, or about November 5, 1793. Numb. 71, \^j1. 
'•' ■ II, Tluu'sday, March 12, 1795, appears witli the altered 
'.vis name, "The New-Jersey Federalist," printed by George 
i fi F. Hopkins. It was a neat-appearing paper of four 
n i: pages, with four columns to the page. After tiie manner 
.1.!.' of printers in tliose days, Hopkins again changed the 



j l*^n.] New Jcrscij Printers of Ihc IStJi Cenlunj. Ila 

[ title, and Number 86, JMontlay, June 22, 1795, is prc- 

i| . tentiously styled "Genius of Liberty, & New-J^runswick 

\ Advertiser." But alas! the "Genius of Liberty" did 

not long preside over the fortunes of Mr. IL)])kins in 
New Brunswick, which town he soon abandoned for 
tlie broader field offered by the City of New York, 
becoming associated with Noah Webster and others 
in the management of "Tlie American Minerva," etc., 
started December 9, 1793, but which now api)eared, IMay 
2, 1790, as "The Minerva and Mercantile Evening 
Advertiser," by Hopkins, Webb & Co., who were suc- 
ceeded by Hopkins & Co., May 15, 1797. On October 
1, 1797, George F. Hopkins became sole pubhslier, ami 
the paper appeared as the "Commercial Advertiser," 
and was continued by Mr. Hopkins until July 29, 1799, 
when he was succeeded by E. Belden & Co., publishers. 
In New York he printed many controversial pam])li- 
lets, called forth by the bitter political contests of tlie 
day. The edition of "The Fcderahst, " published by 
him in 1802, in two volumes, is understood to have 
had the advantage of Hamilton's revision of tliose 
matchless essays. Early in the nineteenth century 
he engaged also in the paper manufacture, having a 
paper mill in northern New Jerseyj^^a;, tevit mU4;;>t.froni- 
New York. t^OxiSd^'Si 

The second effort in New Jersey in tlie way of a peri- 
odical was published for a few months at New Bruns- 
wick in 1786, entitled "The New-Jersey Magazine, and 
Monthly Advertiser," l)y Frederick (^ueciuelle and 
James Prange. It was quite well-printed, and was a 
creditable attempt of the kind. 

There are tliirty-one issues known of tiie various 
New-Brunswick presses in the eighteenth century. 
.Shelly Arnett did very little work alone, but his Psalms 
of David, printed in 1789, is a very dainty book and 
delightful to look upon. Arnett, by the way, probably 
left liome soon after selling out to Hopkins. His father, 
Isaac Arnett, of Westfield township, Essex County, in 
. ■ his will, dated August 8, 1797, lietiueathed a share of 



30 Ai/urican Aidiquarittn. Saciilij. [.\\)i\\, 

liis estate to liis .sciii, Shelly, "il' he retiinus withui kii 
years after my decease." 

Ahrahaiii lUauvelt was a very iiulustrious piinter, 
doing inueh and good work. His j)rincii)al book was 
an edition ol' the "Laws of tlje State of New Jersey, 
revised and jHiblished under the authority of the State' 
Legislature, ))y William Paterson, " piinted in 1800, 
in a huge folio — title, one leaf, pjx xxii, 455, (32) — tlie 
type-page being ?« by 13 inches. Bkiuvelt was an edu- 
cated man, graduating at Queen's (now Rutgers) (col- 
lege in 1789. Lie died at Quibbletown, near New Mar- 
ket, N. J., March 23, 1838, after a long and distressing 
illness. He "always maintained an honorable distinc- 
tion with liis coid.emporaries," says a Newark newspaper 
in announcing his death. 

Some Later NEW^SPAPEKS oe Trenton. 

The discontinuance of the "New-Jersey Gazette" 
was soi'ely felt Ijy many of its former clientele. To 
satisfy this want, and probably to enhanc-e their chances, 
of getting some of the ])ul)lic jMitrting, a new i)ai)er was 
started, probably May 15, 1787, with the title "The 
Trenton Mercury, ;uid the Weekly Advei'tiser, " b^^ 
Frederick C. Que(|ueUe and George M. Wilson. The 
name was subsecjuently altered to "The Feder;d I^ost, 
or, the Trenton Weekly Mercury," which is the title 
of Numb. 13, Vol. H, Total Numb. 05, Tuesday, August 
5, 1788. Its pages were at first 10 by 10 inches, but on 
October 3, 1788, the editors informed their subscribers 
that on account of the scarcity of paper, it was necessary 
to reduce the newsjiaper in size (to 9 by 15 inclies), but 
to make uj) ft)r this it would be printed twice a week, 
being the first semi-weekly in New Jersey. The name 
was now abbreviated to "The Federal Post." On 
October 21, the weekly publication was resumed, in 
larger size. Tlie latest number known is January 27, 
1788 (1789), Total Numb. 85. Tliere are nineteen 
separate issues in the New Jersey State Library, and three 
in the Antiquarian Society. 



ion, 



New Jersey Priitlvrs of the ISlk Centuri/. 



37 



In March, 1701, appeared tlic "New-Jersey State 
Gazette," publislu'd l)y Geori^e Sherman and John 
Mershon, who about three years later sold out to 
Matthias Day, the issiu; for Wednesday, September 17, 
1794, VoL III, No. lOG, a])i)eaj'in<i; und(U' his name. The 
title was changed between May lU, 179G, No. 195, and 
July 19, 1790, No. 202, to "The Slate Gazette and New- 
Jersey Advertiser." On July 9, 1798, it was bought 
by Gershom Craft and William Black, who chan<i;cd 
the name to "The Federalist: New-Jersey Gazctle," 
starting a new series of numeration, the hrst issue, Vol. 
I, No. 1, being dated Monday evening, July 9, 1798. 
The next niunber contains the advertisement, dated 
July 14, 1798, that William Black had sold out to (Jraft, 
"after the first side of the paper was struck off." In 
the issue of Monday evening, October 8, 1798, it is 
announced with much satisfaction, "One thousand and 
eighty copies of the Federalist, are this week struck oil, 
for the supply of subscribers," and we are assured by 
the printer that "interest did not ijromj)l Itii:: lu the 
pi'esent undertaking, jjut a desire of beijig useful to his 
fellow citizens." The "Federalist" was corrtinued until 
June 23, 1800, the last issue under that title being No. 
103. 

In the meantime, George Sherman, Jolui Mershon 
and I. Thomas started a new pape'r entitled "New- 
Jersey State Gazette," the earliest known issue being 
No. G, Vol. I, Tuesday, Apiil ',), 1799, from which it 
is to be inferred that the lirst number appeared March 
5, 1799. It was announced in the prospectus that the 
pa]:)er was printed at the former office of Matthias Day, 
who before this liad removed to Newark. Thomas 
was a nephew and namesake of the famous Worcester 
printer. 

The publishers of these two rival papers very sensibly 
concluded that there would be more money in the busi- 
ness by imiting the two offices, and a(;ct)rdingly on June 
30, 1800, theie appeared "The Federalist, and New Jersey 
State Gazette," the titles of the two i)ai)ers being thus 



38 Ainciiani Anlujuariaii Sociely. [\])i\], 

cleverly merged. Tlie prospectus iuforniiiig tlie public of 
r,lie change was signccl CI. Craft, G. Sherman, J. Mershon 
and 1. Thomas, and the firm name was given in the 
imprint as Sherman, Mershon, Thomas and Craft. 
The first issue was Vol. II, No. 71. Craft withdrew 
from the new firm the following September, the remain- 
ing partners continuing the publication. The paper 
is still pul)lished, as the "Trenton Daily Gazette." 

Some Later Burlinoton Printers. 

It was twelve years after Collins loft Burlington, 
before another printer ventured into that held, the 
proximity of Philadelphia discouraging such attempts. 
Isaac Neale and Daniel Lawrence, two enteri)rising 
young men from Philadelphia, begaii the publication of 
■'The Burlington Advertiser, or Agricidtural and Politi- 
cal Intelligencer," Vol. I, Numb. 1, Tuesday, Ai)ril 13, 
179U. Tins was a really handsome newspapei' of ftjur 
pages, three wide columns to the page, well-print(,'d, 
on good ])aper, with new tyj)e. Lawrence withdrew^ 
from the firm July 7, 1701, and the paper was continued 
thereafter by Neale alone. lie held bravely (ju hve 
months longer, but in his issue of December 6, whih; 
retmning "his sincere thanks to those gentlemen who 
have contributed to the suppoit of the pajier since its 
commencement," he announces that he "is sorry to 
inform them, that on account of the small numbcir of 
sul^scribers, he finds himself under the necessity of 
declining t\m publication thereof at least for a few 
months, when, if he should meet with sufficient encourage- 
ment, it will be re-conanenced on an improved plan." 
Accordingly, he "declined the publication" with Vol. 
II, Numb. LXXXVIII, Tuesday, Dec. 13, 1791. Of 
course, he did not "meet witli sufficient encourage- 
ment" to resume the publication. Neale .remained 
in Burlington four years longer, doing a variety of 
printing, and doing it ver}^ neatly. In 1794 and 1795, 
11. Kammerer, jun., was associated with him in the 
business. Altogether, he has thii'ty-three items cred- 



1011.] New Jcrsc/j Priittcrs of the ISth Cciilury. 



!9 



itcd to liis ])ross. lie was succei'ded in 17lHj l)y Eldci- 
kiii & Miller. 

Stephen C. Ustick was pi-intiu<i; at Pliilad(dpliia in 
179G or earlier. In 1799 we find him at iMuiint lioily, 
near J^nrhngton. He was a B:ii)tist, and seems to have 
made a spe('ialty of i)ublisliing sermons, and the like, 
of prominent Baptists of tlie day. Latei' fie printed 
at ISurlington. 

The First PmNTiNo at Newark. 

Although Newark was quite an important towil in 
the latter part of the eigiiteenth eentury, and on the 
direct route of travel between Philadelphia and New 
Yoj'k, it was not until 1791 that a newspaper was 
estabhshed there. This was "Woods's Newark (hi- 
zette and New Jersey Adveitiser," piinted by Jolm 
Woods, a pronounced Federalist. No. 5 is dated June 
IG, 1791, implying that the jjaper lirst appeared May 
19, 1791. In October, 1793, the impoi'tance of the newly 
establislied town of Paterson was recognizetl by a change 
of title in the paper to "Woods's Newark (iazette, and 
Paterson Advertiser." In November, 1797, Woods 
sold out, and the title was again altered t(j "Ncnvark 
dazette, and New Jersey Advertiser," a new numer- 
ation beginning with the issue for November 8 of that 
year. He continued to publish the paper for two or 
three weeks, when John .11. Williams succeeded him and 
printed the "Gazette" for the "proprietors." Woods 
removed to Ncav Yoik^ and did a little jjrinting up the 
Hudson Iviver. He I'eturned to New Jersey about 
1890, and in that yeai' had a printing office at Elizaloeth- 
town, where he appears to have published anotlier news- 
paper for a time; but lie ailvertises in the "New Jersey 
Joiu'nal," of Elizabeth-town, under date of March 5, 
1804, that "being about to remove out of this State," he 
again requests "that all those who are in arrears for sub- 
scriptions to the Federal Republican, Advertising, Hand- 
bills, &c., would call and discharge the same pre\dous to 
tlie 20th inst.," since lie has been at much expense " since 



40 Amcrkan Anti(juarian Saciclij. [Api'il, 

the cliscoiilimiiinfe of his j)apor." "Tlic> Newark Gazette" 
was sold out about ISOO to John Wahis, who continued 
the pubhcation until the last Tuesday in Deecniher, 
1804, when it ceased to exist. 

Tlie "Gazette" remained without a rival for more than 
five years, for it was not until October 5, 1796, that the 
"Centinel of Freedom" was started by Daniel Dodge 
& Co. What was quite unusual in those days, was tli'e 
fact that Daniel Dodge was announced as printer, and 
Aaron Pennington as the editor. On October 4, 17U7, 
the names of Aaron Pennington and IDaniel Dodge 
appeared under the title as "pul)lisl)ers." Two years 
later Jabez Parkhurst and Sanuu-l Permington (Ijrotlier 
of one of the foijuer prt)prietors) became the owners; 
Parkhurst in tiu'u sold out, January 1, 1800, to Stejjhd'n 
Gould, who withdrew from tlie firm ia May, 1803, and 
Pennington retired in November of the same year, the 
paper then passing into the hands of Williaiii Tattle 
and John Pike. The paper is still published, and is 
warmly welcomed in thousands of firesides in uorUiein 
New Jersey. 

The competition of tlie "Centinel of Fi'eedom" was 
keenly felt and bitterly resented by Woods of the "New- 
ark Gazette. " In his issue of Wednesday, May 24, 
1797, he genially i-efers to the pul)]ishers. Dodge and 
Pennington, as "jndtroons," whom lie held in "sover- 
eign contempt — should tliey continue their un|)r(jvoked 
attacks against me, 1 sliall take tlie liberty of teaching 
tliem decency in a moi-e sumnuny way — the sense of 
Feeling as well as of seeing and hearing may be effected. " 
In his paper of vUigust 2, 1797, "he disdains to reply" 
to a comnmnication published the previous week "in 
that far famed Vehicle of Slander 'tlie Centinel of 
Freedom.'" Curiously enougli, in tlie "Gazette" of 
August 9, 1797, he inserts a conununication from Aaron 
Pennington, of the "Centinel," who seems to have had 
no sense of humor, taking exception to the character- 
ization of that paper as a "far famed vehicle of scandal, " 
(sic) and concluding with this bold challenge: "I there- 



1911.] New Jerscu Prinlcrs of the ISlh Cenlunj. 41 

fore require you to appoint tlie time and .place, when and 
where you will meet me i^ersonally, and support your 
assertion, o)- al'i'ord me that satisfaction wiiich your 
conduct entitles me to." 

Woods's retirement tVom the "Gazette" three montlis 
later, was doubtless hast(3ned by this altercation. 

Newark was also the scene of two unsuccessful ven- 
tures in the way of periodicals. 

One was entitled "United States JMagazine, or, 
General Repository of Useful Instruction and Rational 
Amusement," Volume I, Number 1, being issued April, 
1704, with the imprint "Newark, New-Jersey: printed 
by John Woods for the editor." Each number con- 
tained sixty-four pages. The August num))er had but 
twenty-four pages, when the Magazine was discontinued. 

Tlie "Rural Magazine" made its appearance Satur- 
day, February 17, 1798, being "pi-iutcd by John H. 
Williams for the projyrietors. " It was a fair sized quailo 
of four pages, three colunms to the page, quite varied 
in its contents. Ui)on the completion of the volume, 
number 52, Saturday, February 9, 1799, this puldica- 
tion was discontinued, the proprietoi'S say, for "the 
want of sufficient subscription, and literary assistance, 
two essentials to the support of all similar publications. ' ' 

Freneaii's "Jersey Cfirc^nicle." 

Philip Freneau, "tliq poet of the Revolution," and 
a political writer of much force, was a native of New 
Jersey, and in 1795 resided on his ancestral farm of 
two hundred acres, near Freehold, Monmouth County, 
where he had a small press. Here he issued "The Jersey 
Chronicle," the hrst number of which made its bow to 
the world on Saturday, May 2, 1795. It was, as might 
be expected from the editor, strongly lilciai'}'^ in its 
inclinations. It was paged consecutively, like a maga- 
zine. It was poorly printed, being quite amateurish 
in its appearance. Notwithstanding the evident feeble- 
ness of its existence, it managed to continue until number 
fifty-two, Vol. I, April 30, 179G, page 42S. The first 



42 American Aiiliqaan'aii Sucirhj. [April, 

two numbers wci'C but C-^i by 8}^ inches in size, wliidi 
was afterwards increased to 8 by lO^i inches. 

SoMK Moiiitis County Puinteus. 

Caleb Russell was a lawyer and scliool master. ir(.' 
was one of tlie founders of the Morris Academy in 17'Jl, 
was elected Pj'esident of the Board of Directors, C(H1- 
tracted to erect the building, and was the princiixd 
instructor for neai'ly five years. On retirim}; from its 
management, he evidently thought he had more time 
on his hands tlian he knew what to do witli, and that he 
could most successfully withstand the importuning of 
his Satanic Majesty, by starting a newspaper. He 
accorchngly bought a printing ofhce, and employed 
Elisha Cooper, a ])ractical printer, to attend to its 
details. On Wednesday, Alay 24, 1793, the "Morris 
County Gazette" was issued by E. Coo])er & Co. It 
bore for its motto Franklin's words, "Where Liberty 
dwells, there is n\y country." "Woods's Newark (hi- 
zette, and New Jersey Advertiser" for May 31, 171)7, 
gave the new venture this freezing send-ol'f: 

Wu felit'iliilc the citizens of Morris county on the u(l\'antagcs 
that may result to them fi'om the estahlishnii'iit of a I'i'inling 
iVcss in their metropolis — the first number of the Morris; 
County Gazelle, printed l)y K. Cooper & Co., made its appear- 
ance hist Wednesday — the Ivlitors appear mucli jlatlereJ S- 
uniiimled hi/ Ihe liberal patruiiai/e Iheij liave reeeived--\\(: wi-li 
them success, hut trust tliat the "second part" will not apjjear 
quite so unimatiiuj. 

Those wlio suliscribe for the sake of "patronizing" a i)ul)- 
lication of this kind will be gratifyed — but those who subsci'il)e 
for the purpose of receiving the earliest news, will be, probably, 
disappointed, as it can be cak'ulated much earlier through 
that county from this situation, than it can from one more 
interior. 

Cooper withdrew from the enterprise in November, 
and Mr. Russell continued sole editor and numager of 
the pa])er. Early in the following year, he invited 
Jacob Marm to come to Morristowii and take cliarge 
of the oflice, which he did. Mann had learned the 



1911.] Nao J( />■('// Prinlcrs of iJic ISlh Ce/tlury. 43 

printing business with Shepard Kollock in Elizaliutli- 
town. "The, Cazette" was continued until INIay 15, 
171)8, thus conipletijig one year of publication. It was 
a fairly well-printed ])aper, of foui' i)ages, with four 
colunuis to the page. 

Mann changed the name to "The (lenius of Liberty," 
beginning a new numeration, Vol. I, No. 1, May 24, 17U8. 
The imprint directly under the heading reads : ' ' Moi'ris- 
Town: jjrinted and published by Jacob Mann, nt-arly 
opposite the Academy." The appearance of the paper 
was imin'oved under his management. He continued 
the paper for three years, or until May 14, 1801, when 
he retired and went to Trenton, whei'e, he established 
the "Trenton True American," in comi)any with James 
J. Wilson. Mr. Russell then turned over tlie printing 
office at Moj-ristown to his son, Henry P. Itussell, who 
continued the press and newspaper for several yuais 
on his own account. The most notable issue of the 
Morristown press, in the eighteenth century', was an 
edition of Vicesimus Knox's "Spirit of Desi)otism," in 
a neat 12 mo. volume. Jacob Mann (who liad returned 

to Morristown) and Douglass published, 

in 1805, a very creditable octavo edition of the Bible, 
which has been sometimes called the "Arminian Testa- 
ment" because of the reading of Hebrews vi, 4-G: 
"For it is possible," etc. 

Some Lost and Forgotten Newspapers. 

I have sketched for you the outline history of some 
of the best known early printers and ne\v'spapcrs of 
New Jersey. From the experience of yom- Society m 
gathering its incomparable mass of newspape]' files, 
you can guess some of the difliculties encountered in 
acquiring the information presented to you in this paper. 
• Of all the newspapers mentioned, comjilete files have 
rarely been preserved. There are several sets of the 
first, "The New-Jersey Gazette," issued by Collins 
in 1777-86. His office file, bound in three volumes, he pre- 
sented to the New Yoik Historical Society in 1815. 



44 Avierican Anliquarian ^Socicly. [Aiu'il, 

The Now Jersey liistoiical Society, I lie I'j-iaeelon 
University Liljrary, and the New York rublJc Jjibriiry 
(Lenox Collection) also have complete files, there thus 
being four in all. 

An approxhnately complete file could be made u]) 
from the scattered numbers of the "New-Jersey Jour- 
nal," publislied by Shepard KoUock at Chatham, and 
afterwards at Elizabethtown. The best file extant is 
in the liands of a private collector in New York. The 
Antiquarian Society has a long series of numbers. 

A former resident of Newark, on rejnoving to Cormec- 
ticut, carried with him a nearly perfect file of the early 
volumes of the "Centinel of Fi-eedom," ])ublished at 
Newark, from 179G. Tliis file he kei)t, and with praise- 
wortliy industr^'^ (iontimied the series until 1852, when 
he presented the whcjle collection to the New Jersey 
Historical Society. 

There is nothing like an approximately complete 
collection of the early New Brunswick newspapers known. 

Nor is there a full file of the "Newark Gazette," 
albliough a few yeai's ago I acquired from a stranger 
in North Carolina, a bound volume which had formerly 
contained fifty or sixty mmibers, but from which aljout 
twenty-five liad I)een torn out as needed for domestic 
purposes. 

Tlicre is a perfect file of Freneau's " Jei'sey Chronicle," 
lacking No. 27, but including several supplements, in 
the New York Ilistoi'ical Society, and tlie iViorristown 
Library lias v(>r_y appropriately acc^uired a com]:)lete 
file of the "Morjis County Gazette." 

But what has become of the remaining issues of these 
several papers? 

And what shall we say of th(i other newspaijers, whose 
existence in some cases is merely a matter of ti'adition, 
and in otlier instances but little more? 

The first "newspaper" in New Jersey was not printed 
at all, but was, like the early EngHsh News- Letters, 
actually written, tlie original being "left at Matthew 
Potter's bar," at Bridgeton, where it might be copied 



j 1911.] NctD Jersey Printers oj the ISlh Ccnlarij. Jo 

[. ill whole or in part by those interested in it. It was writ- 

f; . ten on a sheet of letter paper, about six and a haU' Ijy 

I eight and a half inches in size. Eight numbers of this 

I unique paper have been preserved, extending from 

I December 25, 1775, to February 12, 177G, the topics 

(' treated of ranging over such extremes as Bundling and 

j Patriotism. I had tfie pleasure of reproducing in ])riiit 

I this first New Jersey newspaper, in an edition of (me 

\ hundred copies (privately printed, 1894), one of which 

I is now in the hbrary of the American Antiquarian Society, 

r Do you recollect that peculiar attempt of Hugh Caiuc 

I , to ride two horses in opposite directions during the 

I Revolution? At a time wlien Providence seemed t(j be 

i^ smiling upon the patriot cause, tlie politic printer issued 

I a copy of "The New York Gazette; and the Weekly 

I Mercury," Saturday, September 21, 177G, No. 1301, 

\ with the imprint: "Printed by Hugh Gaine, at Newark, 

I in East New-Jersey." It is practically a broadside, 

I being a folio of only one page. This paper was con- 

i tinned until Novem])er 2, 1770, the respective numbers 

i l)eing 1302, Saturday, Se]itember 28; 1303, Saturday, 

j Oct. 5; 1304, Saturday, Oct. 12; 1305, Saturday, (Jet. 

19; 130G, Saturday, Oct. 2(3; 1307, Saturday, November 
2, all the issues after 1301 being printed on a quarto 
i leaf, two pages. At the same time, tlie paper continued 

I to be issued at New York with the same series of numer- 

ation, but on dilTerent days and dates, Number 1301, 
Monday, Sept. 30, 1770, a folio of one page; numbers 
1302, 1303, 1304 and 1305 were respectively dated 
Monday, Oct. 7, 14, 21 and 28, and consisted of a folio 
sheet of two pages. All the numbers for October, 
printed at New York, omitted the name of Hugh Gaine 
as printer. The Newark paper used expressions favor- 
able to the American cause, and referring to the British 
ships, for instance, as "the piratical fleet." As Provi- 
dence began smiling on the British cause, toward the 
end of October, Gaine appears to have thouglit it was 
no longer worth- while to cater to the patriotic taste, 
and he resumed the publication of the "iMercury" at 



40 Anicrican Antiiiuuriaa Suciclij. [A\)n\, 

his old ollic'C in New York. There is S(jiiie ll)3^stery 
about this transaction. Did lie actually, as stated by 
Ford, "renioN'e part of his presses and types to Newark 
earty in September?" Of course it is quite possible. 
Did he have two sets of the engraved heading, one for 
Newark and one for New York, or did he nierel.y print 
this Newark edition in New York for circulation in 
New^ Jersey? A file of the Newark issue is preserved 
in the New York Put)lic Library (Lenox Collection). 
Proceedings were taken in 1778 by the convniissioners 
of forfeited estates for Essex County and for Abjrris 
County, New Jersey, against Hugh (Jaine for the con- 
fiscation of his property in tltose counties on the ground 
that he had violated tlie law by Ijecoming a "fugitive 
and offender witli tlie enemy, against Iris countr}^" 

Joseph Lewis, of Morristown, made this entry in his 
diary, under date of Wednesday, June 30, 1784: 
"Cloudy & a small shower. — This day David CJree 
printed the first newspaper that was (^.ver printed in 
Morristown." The most tUligent search has failed to 
bring to light a copy of this newspaper, or to reveal 
its title. Moreover, the name of David Crce is utterly 
unknown in local annals. But in the "New York Gazet- 
teer" of IMarch 17, 178G, appears this advertisement: 
"To be sold on Wednesday, the fifth of April, at Spring- 
field, New Jersey, Sundry Printing Materials, Formerl}^ 
belonging to David Cree, distressed for Rent." Spring- 
field is scarcely ten miles from Morristown. It is 
quite possible that Cree had raslily started a newspaper 
at tlie latter place, on the day mentioned in Le^vis's 
diary, but it was so ephemeral that its very name has 
been forgotten. When lie abandoned his printing 
materials, to be sold for arrears of rent, lie journeyed 
to Philadelphia, where we find him a few months later 
in a company of Journeymen Printers of that city com- 
l)ining to resist a threatened reduction of their wages 
to thirty-five shillings per week, and pledging themselves 
not to "engage to work at any Printing Office in the 
city or country under the sum of six dollais per week" 



' . I'Jll.] New J ersvij Printers uj the ISth Ciiiiunj. 47 



■ — a very early (and modest) forej-uuner (if the vasily 
expanded demands of the typograpliical uiiioiirf of 
to-day. 

In 1780, JaniesTod had a j^'iniing office at Princeton, 
tlie production of which seems to have been (^xtremcly 
limited. However, in May of that year, lie veiitured 
upon the publication of a newspaper, which he continued 
for two years or more. There is extant a copy of "The 
Princeton Packet, and the General Advei'tiser, " Thui's- 
day, June 28, 1787, VcjI. II, No. 51. Very a])pi(jpriately, 
an imposing cut of Nassau Hall a]j]ieai-s in the title. 
It was a fairly well printed pa])er of four pages, three 
wide columns to the ]):ige. But four co])ies are known 
to have survived, all witliin the State. Where are tlie 
others? 

Under date of February 15, 1791, Philip Freneau issued 
the prospectus of a newspaper to ))e called '"i'he Mon- 
mouth Gazette," to be published weekly, at "Mt)unt 
Pleasant, near Middletown Point, in East New-Jersey." 
I have the only known copy of this in'osi)ectus. But 
was "The Gazette" ever issued, and if so for how long? 
I do not know. I liave never seen nor heard of the papei'. 
I do not think it came to light. It was doubtless one 
of the unborn conceptions of the poet's brain. 

In 1795 there was established at Bridgeton, in Cum- 
berland County, a paper styled the "Argus; and New- 
Jersey Centinel, " the imprint stating that it was "pub- 
lished (weekly) by M'Kenzie and Westcott, Bridge 
Town." The earliest number known is of the date 
Thursday, November 5, 1795, being No. 6, from whicli it is 
estimated that the paper was ushered into existence 
September 30, 1795. The publishers were Alexander 
AI'Kenzie, a general merchant of the town, and 
James D, Westcott, who was an educated man, inter- 
ested in public atlairs, and subsequently Secretary of 
State of New Jersey. But this was many years after 
the "Argus'" had ceased to keep its hundred eyes on 
the affairs of the big nation. Number 53 announces 
that the partnership had been dissolved October 1, 179G, 



48 American Antiquarian Socii ly. \.\[n\\, 

and that the ijiiblicalion would be canied on by Alexan- 
der M'Kenzie alone. It is said tha-t a year lal-er Hk; 
paper passed into tlie hands of John AVesl-cott, a broiluM- 
of one of the oiiginal publishers, ^vho gave it a new nauK!, 
whieli, however, is unknown at this date. It is said also 
that he continued the publication until 1S05. The 
most diligent and {lersistent investigation has failed 
to discover a single copy of this forgotten newspaper 
within New Jersey, and indeed the only issues known to 
me are six in the library of Harvard University. 

On Januar}^ 8, 1796, there was pul»lisheil at Newton, 
in Sussex county, "The Farmer's Journal, and Newton 
Advertiser," by Eliot Hopkins and William Ilurtin, 
under the fiim name of l']liot Hopkins and (!o. l>ut one 
copy of this i)aper is known \o exist in New Jersey, being 
the issue for September 15, 1797, Vol. 11., Number 80. 
What has become of all the other numbers? Some years 
ago I caused to be published in a leading Sussex county 
paper the emphatic statement that but one copy of this 
paper was in existence, and I ('hallenged the pi'oduction 
of :uiy other. I hoped for a loud chorus of indignant 
protests and triumphant holdings foiih of jumieixms 
co])ies of the "Journal." But ala,s! jiot a single resi- 
dent of New Jersey came forward to disprove the accu- 
racy of that statement. I did, liowever, receive from 
a man out in AVyoming a fiagment of the i)aper in ciues- 
tion, which he had derived from his ancestors, and had 
carried out to the Rocky Mountains among his cherished 
lares and penates! The Library of Harvard University 
has something lilce twenty-four numbers of this forgotten 
newspaper, the latest bearing date October 17, 179S, 
Vol. III., Whole No. 140, the publishers being E. Hop- 
kins and P. Smith. 

More than forty yeai's ago I talked with an old gentle- 
man wlio had been editor and jninter of a ne\vsi)aper 
estabhshed in my town in 1825. He said he had heard 
that after a certain newspaper had been burned out 
in Paterson in 1824, there liad arisen from tlie ihunes, 
as it were, a new paper called the "Phoenix," but he 



1911.1 



Ncu) Jcrscij Prinicrs of Hie. ISlJi Century. 



I!) 



had never seen a copy oi' it. 1 was always on tlie look- 
oni for tliis pape]', or for notices of its i)ubIication. 1 
found a paragrapli in a contciuporary newspaper re- 
ferring to it, but in sacli doubtful terms as to mak(! it 
uncertain whether that was really tlie title, or shnply 
a sobriciuet humorously applietl to another pajjer. 
About ten years since I was informed by a friend that 
he had come into the possession of an accumuhi,tion of 
something Uke four thousand miscellaneous newspapers 
which had been gathered for many years by a gentl<Miuin 
of IMorristown, who had then recently died. I found tliat 
my friend was planning to go carefully through this vast 
store, with a view to sorting out and arranging the sev- 
eral newspapers therein. I told liim the legend about the 
"Phoenix," and asked him laugliingly tliat if ])y any 
chance he should come across a copy of it he would lay 
it aside for me. He cheerfully promised. A year or 
so after, to my great surprise, he triumphantly produced 
one copy of the "Phoenix," the only copy which he had 
found in the pile. But alas! this treasure-trove, so 
unexpectedly rescued from oblivion, after seventy-live 
years, was irretrievably hjst in the Paterson fire of 11)02. 

What has become of all these forgotten newspapers? 
In the light of past experiences, which have brought 
forth so many supposedly forgotten treasures, we can- 
not but hope that some day, somewhere, perhaps in 
a secluded corner of some ancient garret, there will be 
found ,a whole file of one or more of these newspapers, 
bringing untold delight to the soul of the antiquarian 
and the historian. 

Printers' Troubles in the Olden Days. 

The earlier printers had some experiences which were 
to them vexatious, but to us seem only anuising. In 
many instances, also, they recall to us, as of 3'esterday, 
incidents in historical events long past. 

There was no issue of the "New York Gazette: or, 
the Weekly Post-Boy," for August 15, 1757. The 
following w.eek the customers were asked to excuse the 



50 Anicrican Anliqnnrinn Socictij. [XprW, 

omission, "seeing that tlic then pai-licuhir l^linergenc}' 
called tlie Printers oil as it did like\vise Thousands of 
others belonging to the Province in the service of tlieir 
King and Country." "The particular Emergency" 
referred to was tlie investiture of Fort William Henry 
by the French and Indians. The delay in issuing tlie 
"CJazette" for INIarch 11, 1762, was because the Boston 
and Hartford Post-rider "was so liindered by the Snow, 
v/hich in some places was prodigiously deep^ especially 
between Springfield and Hartford, that he did not arrive 
till Sunday Night. Howevei', he brought the Boston 
papers a week later than the other Post that came in 
tlie Night before." These post-riders from New York 
to Hartfcn-d were "su])i)orted by the printers of the 
Gazette at a great Expence. " In the "Ciazette" h^r 
Octol)cr 17, 1759, persons indebted to the piinter were 
"earnestly recjucsted immediatel}' to discharge their 
Accounts, as the Printer is under the greatest diflicultics 
and Distress for Money, not only to caii-y on iiis liu^l- 
ness, but to pay his just Debts." Another ti'ouble 
was that "notwithstanding the utmost Endeavours cf 
the Printer, his Boys frequently forgot to cany his 
Customei's I heir Pa])ers" — an experience which has 
probal)ly befallen many of my hearers in their 3'ounger 
days in srnallei' t(jwns than New York. 

The early printers had great dilliculties in securing 
pa])er. When Isaac Collins began the publication of 
"The New-Jersey Ciazette," he found this to be an 
immediate and most pressing need. In his ])aper for 
Wednesday, December 24, 1777, it was announced that 
".A good price and ready money is given by the Printer 
hereof, for clean linen rags, and hogs bristle," and this 
advertisement was repeatedly published, while the "good 
women" of the State were continually urged to preserve 
their rags for the paper mill. In the issue for Tliursday, 
April 23, 1778, it was stated that "No more subscrip- 
tions can be received at present for this Gazette for 
want of pa{)er. " A frequent embarrassment was the 
non-arrival of the posts from the Eastward or South, 



19IL] Mew Jersey Printers of the ISth Centurij. 51 

due to the incleiiiency of the weatlier, or the ravages 

I of the enemy in capturing the mails. The issue of 

I June 24 is dated July 1 on the inside, which is thus 

i explained: "Tlie other side of this paper having been 

[■ printed olT last week, jDrevious to the alaim, and thereby 

i pi-evented from being completed, sufhcientl^y accoimts 

i for the date in the title page." To eke out his scanty 

I income, Collins engaged in trade of various kinds. 

i "A few cliests of tea, warranted the first quality for 

Bohea, to be sold very cheap for cash"; "A ([uantitj' 

I of capital medicines to be sold cheaj) for cash at the 

I Printing-Office in Trenton"; "To be sold, A negro Boy 

I . nine years old, slim built but very active." In the 

!: latter part of 1780, he began advertising books for sale, 

p the lists throwing quite a light on the popular taste of 

I the day. He contimi(id from time to time to adveitise 

i, • general merchandise, books and stationery, negro 

I wenches, tea, butter, cheese, "chariots," saddles, and 

I a variety of other goods and wares. One of his troubles 

I was the need of apprentices and of printers, for whom 

I . he was continually advertising. This advertisement 

I was renewed from time to time: "Wanted, by tlie 

Printer hereof, two Journeymen. They will be exempted 

from actual service in the militia, and receive handsome 

wages." But his greatest trouble was to collect the 

subscriptions for his paper. In his issue for April 7, 

. 1779, it was announced that "advertisements of a 

moderate length inserted for three dollars each the first 

week, and one dollar for every contirmation, " but so 

I rapidly did the pa])er currency tlepreciate tliat only 

■■ two weeks later the price was raised to ""four dollai's 

[ the first week, and two dollars weekly thei'cafter." 

I Subscriptions wei'c payable in produce, wheat at 7s. 

I (id., rye at 4s. 6d., butter at Is., etc. Even these terras 

1 did not result in the replenishing of his exchequer, and 

I he was so completely (hscouraged that he issued no 

I ' "Gazette" for the first tln-ce weeks in July, 1770. On 

July 28, 1779, the terms for the pap(ir were stated to 

I be "five dollars per quarter in cash at the beginning of 



52 American. Aniiquarum Socicly. l^pi'll, 

each quarter, the j^rice to be rai.sed or lowered according- 
to the price of the necessaries of hfe." The following 
February, tlie price was raised to thirteen dollars jier 
quarter, pa3\able in produce, and in A]ji-il U) hltcou 
dollars, payable in cash, while in July it was put upon 
an entii'ely different basis, "one-third of a dollar in 
produce or half a dollar in gold or silver." 

Shepard Kollock had like expei'iences at Chatham. 
He was constantly prodding his subscribers to pay up, 
offering to take in payment anything from firewood to 
needles, and fresh country yjroduce of every description. 
He also carried on a genei'al country store at Chatham, 
selling tea and negro boys and wenclies, Bibles and rum, 
calicos and lioes, "chocolat" and tiuiiips. He made 
freciuent appeals for apprentices "to learn the beautiful 
and genteel business of printing." An unusual quali- 
fication was mentioned as desirable in the "Journal" 
of January 9, 1788: "A lad of about 14 years old, (jf 
good morals and of a moderate education, (but if ac- 
quainted with the deatl languages, the more agreeable) 
is wanted by the printer hereof as an apprentice." 
Sometimes the paper on whicli the "Journal" was 
printed would be of a deep blue tint, and frequently 
it would vaiy in size. "Owing to a disappointmcuvt 
in procuring the Paper of the common size for our 
news this week, we are under the necessity of using 
a small sheet as a substitute," says the "Journal" of 
December 24, 1799. We are reminded of the warlike 
situation in which Kollock was placed, by this para- 
graph: "June 28, 1780. The printing office havdng 
been removed in the late alarm was the reason this 
paper was not published last week." There did not 
seem to be much eagerness to fill the demand for appren- 
tices, and in March, 1780, the printer advertised: 
"Wanted, by the Printer liereof, a Journeyman that can 
work at case and press, to whom the greatest encourage- 
ment will be given." The "Journal" of June G, 1781, 
accounted for tlie lack of news thus: " AVe liave received 
no Eastern papers tliis week, the post having been taken 



101 1.] New Jersey Printers of the IStJi Century. 53 



between Fislikill and Morrist<nvn, and carried to Ncnv- 
York. " In his issue for November 8, 178G, in the dearth 
of news lie proposes to pubhsli tliat fascinating work, 
"Carver's Travels through the interior i:)arts of this 
Continent," as a serial. Per contra, while Jay's Treaty 
was under discussion the "Journal" felt "obliged to 
omit sevei'al advertisements as well as foreign and 
domestic occurrences to give place to the d(;bates in 
Congress"! 

During the first few weciks of 1788, there began some 
friction between the newspa]3ers and tlie post ohice 
department. "Tlie New-Jersey Journal" of March 5, 
1788, has this significant paragraph, with the accom- 
panying dark hint: "For some weeks past, we have 
scarcely received a pajier from our numerous corre- 
spondents in the different states. The raotiv^e for this 
suppression of intelligence is best known to tlie post- 
master general! It has an oblique aspect of sinister 
views. It is a disgrace to this enlightened age, and a 
harbinger of slavery, that when the press, under the 
mijst arbitrary governments, is daily growing more and 
more free, that the post-masters, or their jackalls, should 
essay to stop all connnunication between the states at 
this important crisis, by prohibiting tliat exchange of 
papers printers have enjoyed since tlie first establish- 
ment of a post-ofhce in this continent. " The newspajiers 
contemplated a remedy for this diiliculty by establishing 
"Mail Coaches, for the Carriage of Letters, on moderate 
terms and for maintaining a due Intercourse between 
the Publisliers of News-papers in the United States, 
pro Bono Publico." In the "Journal" for February 
17, 1790, it was stated that the post-master genei-al 
proposed this plan for relieving the deficit in the depart- 
ment: "News-papers which have hitherto passed free 
•of postage circulating extensively through the Post- 
Offices; one or two cents upon each, would probably 
amount to as much as the expense of transporting the 
mails." The "Journal" denounced this proposition 
as having "an obvious tendency to shackle the press, 



54 American Anliquarian Bocielij. [April, 

check the circuhition of newspapers and degTade the 
freemen of tliis country." 

"The Journal" of December 24, 1709, contained this 
startling intelligence: "Washington, the Friend, the 
Protector, of his Country, is no more!!! Washington, 
the Great, the Good, Defunct!" 

The appearance of a weekly paper witli a "glajst" 
for the fourth page was accounted for lyy an "unavcad- 
able accident which tliere was not time to remedy befcjre 
the day of printing. " A frequent complaint was : ' ' We were 
hindered in getting out our paper tliis week because our 
printer left us last Monday witliout any explanation." 
Freneau slipped over one week without issuing his 
"Jersey Chrojiicle," with the simijle explanation the 
following week, that it was "on accoimt of siclcness." 
You can imagine the righteous indignation of the pub- 
lisher wiio penned this paragraph: "Last Tuesday 
niglit, some dastardly villain entered our oflice and so 
severely beat our printer that he was unable to woik as 
usual in getting out the paper this week." 

But on the whole it must be admittcid that the printers 
of the eighteenth century, with their limited resources, 
displayed quite as much energy and enterprise in ovei- 
coming the obstacles of tliose days, as do the gigantic 
printing establishments of the present time, with all 
their mighty facilities, in meeting fires, eartluiuakes, 
dynamite explosions and tlie like, joeculiar to our own 
times. 

Whence Came the Young Printers? 

The printer's art is one of the most conservative of 
all arts. Many of its customs and technical terms are 
sui'vivals from mediieval days. You know that in 
Germany, until recent years, and perhaps even now in 
the rin-al districts, it was always the custom when, a 
young man liad finished his apiH-enticeship, for him to 
start off with the implements of his trade on his back 
and try to make a hving at his vocation away from home 
for at least a year. This was called his "Wauderjahr." 



1911.] New Jersey Frinkrs of Ihe ISth Ccniunj. 



Tliis particular custom seems to liave persisted most 
thoroughly among printers from earliest times. The 
"traveling jour." has been a recognized feature of the 
printer's craft. The average journeyman printer is a 
traveled man, besides being a well-read man. These 
3n)ung printers, liaving mastered tlie art and mysteries 
of their craft, and being inspired ^vith a fond zest of 
novelty to be enjoyed in their "WanderjaJtr," were, 
moi'eover, often possessed of an ambition to better their 
condition in life. No intelligent, self-respecting jour- 
neyman printer but fancied that he knew all the faults 
and mistakes of his employe]-, and how and where those 
errors could be avoided. Accordingly, we find many of 
tliese young fellows making their way to the remoter 
towns and Provinces of the ccjuntjy, canvassing for 
subscrii)tions for a newspaper, probably liorrowing the 
money to set up a plant, perhaps buying an outfit on 
ci'edit, and in time establishiiig tliemselves in a printing 
office of their own, there to remain until prosi^erity 
should reward their efforts, or until the ii-resistible 
Wanderlust coursed ciuickly tlji-ougli tlieir veins, ajid 
induced them to abandon or sell out their enterprise 
and start for unc(jnquered fields. This was tlie history 
of the origin of many an early newspaper in America. 
It was the experience of many in New Jersey villages 
and towns. 

Naturally, New York and Philadelphia furnished 
most of these young printers of New Jersey, many of 
them being graduates from the offices of iranklin and 
Parker. Several of them were from Massachu-clls, 
and in fact, as mentioned above, we find the name of 
I. Thonuis as one of the publishers of a Trenton news- 
paper in 1799. 

Who can help admiring the splendid optimism and 
courage of those young fellows in venturing to set up 
newspapers with Hope as almost tlieir only capital ! Their 
very inmiaturity and inexperience led them often to 
indulge in views calculated to break down the old tra- 
ditions — social, economic and political — of their time. 



50 American Antiqiuirinn Socuiij. [AiM'il 

Tlicy were profit-seeking, yes; usually tlieir fir,-t ohject 
in life was to make a living. But willi the vision of 
youth they saw far ahead, and advocated opinions tluit 
blazed the way for many a cliange in the body politic. 
Tliey contributed to the unification of tlie country. 
Franklin, Parker and Thomas bred up scores of young 
printers to their ideas, not only of tlieir ti'ade, but of 
their political beliefs as well. Their apprentices wei'i^ 
taught the value of the freedom of the press. Tliis led 
to the idea of the freedom of the people. These j^oung 
men came in contact with the ablest, the most intelli- 
gent men in the country. Tliey learned from them. 
They helped spread their views. So they became a 
power in the land. Tliey were the iiionccjs wlio laid 
the fomidations, broad and deep, for tliat mighty 
structure which in England has been termed the Fouith 
Estate, and whicli in this country lias aspired to be tlie 
Voice of Public 0{)inion. Surely, the present generation 
is largely indelited to these gallant young printers of 
the eighteenth century. It is but a small return for 
their efforts thus to rescue their names and their history 
h\nn oblivion, which has been one of the aims of tliis 
paper, and is a special function of tlie American Anti- 
cjuarian Society. 



1911. 



Tlic Shays Rchdlinn. 



57 



THE SHAYS REBELLION A POLITICAL 
AFTERMATH. 

BY ANDREW MACFARLAND DAVIS. 



At the October meeting of this Society in 1902, Mr. 
Jolni Noble read a paper entitled "iV few notes on the 
Shays rebellion." Mr. Charles Francis Adams, who 
was present, expressed tlie hope that a special research 
might be made as to the causes of the then existing 
discontent.^ At the JMiiyiiieeting of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, in 1905^ Mr. Adams, in commenting 
on a publication enllLled "Some leatures of Sliays's 
rebellion" by Jonathan Smith of CUnton, Massachusetts, 
said that in the written accounts of the rebelhon, "no 
attempt has been made to go below the sui'face, and 
show what were the causes of the great unrest which 
then prevailed." In selecting my subject for this pajior, 
I had in mind the suggestions of Mr. Adams, but it 
will be seen by my titU;, tliat I liave not undertaken 
to cover exactly the held to wliich he referred. There 
seems to me to be abundant explanation for the dis- 
content of the po])ulaC(' at that time, in the fact that 
a large part of the comnumity was forced to resort to 
barter through lack of a circulating medium. Add to 
that the necessarily burdensome nature of the war taxes, 
and you have a condition of affairs which could not have 
been patiently borne by any but a saintly or a very 
intelligent comnmnity. M}^ thesis is not thei'cfoi'e to 
show why there was unrest, but why there was violence. 



' Proceedings American Antiqunriaii Society, New Series, Vol. XV, p. 120, p. 200. 
- ProceeiliiiKS Mus.sucliusetts Historical Society, Second Scries, Vol. X]X, p. 27G. 



58 American Anlicjuariaii Society. (April, 

The sentiments whicli led to tlie uprising- of a forniitl- 
able band of citizens in western Massachusetts in the 
hitter part of 178G were shared by a hirge number of tlie 
residents in tlie eastern part of tlie state. Lists 
of griev^ances Avere adopted in town and county 
conventions. Most, if not all, of these liave been pre- 
served and are to be found in the histories of towns 
scattered throughout the state. 

The people of Boston did not symi^athize with this 
movement, and when soUcitations were received to send 
delegates to a convention of the towns of Suffolk County 
to be held for the consideration of alleged gri(.',vances, 
a letter of reply was adopted by the town, on tlie 15th 
of IMarch, 1784^, in which it was stated that, "after a 
fair debate, it was unanimously determined to express 
the sorrow of the town, that, at a time when we have a 
constitution of our own choosing, and wliich has been 
approved by the world, tliere should yet remain any 
uneasy persons in the community, who could form the 
fruitless design of disturbing the tranquility of the state 
by proposing the unnecessary measure of meeting by 
counties." 

An analysis of the proceedings at these conventions 
and meetings will show that the farther west one goes, 
and the greater the distance from the centre of trade of 
the state, the more violent the agitation and the bolder 
the attitude of the remonstrants. In Suffolk there was 
but little sympathy, Boston, as we have seen, taking 
strong grounds against the movement. Essex and 
Middlesex were but paitially aroused, and wei'e apparent- 
ly to a certain extent dependent upon co-operation 
from further west. Worcester was much more positive 
and in some of the towns was even aggressive. The 
river counties and Berkshire were as a rule violent and 
outspoken. In the resolutions adopted by a number 
of these conventions it was expressly stijjulated that 
the relief sought for was to be obtained only in a legal 



•^Slst Report Boston Kccurd Coinmissionera, p. 13. 



1911.] The Shays Rchcllion. 59 

and constitutional manner, but it must be remembered 
that the turbulent disjjositiun of some of tlie more 
violent among the people had already demonsti-ated 
that there was a tendency to interfere with the admin- 
istration of justice/ and it was clear that this approval 
by deliljcrative bodies of the doctrines advocated simul- 
taneously by theniselves and ]>y men ready to disturb 
the peace would inevitably encourage outla'eaks. 

It is plain, for instance, that an apparently innocent 
vote recommending i)eople "to abstain from all mobs 
and unlawful assemblies until a constitutional n^ethod 
of redress can be obtained,"^ was not witliout its larking 
threat. In the demand of one of the towns tlud the 
inferior courts and lawyers should be "entirely anni- 
hilated,'"^ there was no effort to conceal the menace 
involved therein. It may perha])s be said that the courts 
could have been "entirely annihilated" by constitu- 
tional means, but how aliout the lawyers? Intemperate 
language was a feature of the situation. 

Responsibility for the outbi'eak must be shared by 
many who never contemplated personal participation, 
and who did not perhajjs realize what influence upon 
others their actions might have. Tlie chaotic condition 
of the financial affairs of the new state comparetl un- 
favorably witli the situation during tlie latter days of 
the province. If to that it be added that some of the 
more glaring defects of an ai'istocratic government had 
not been supplanted under the new organization, it will 
readily be comprehended that a skilfully ilevised con- 
temporary newspaper coumiunication calling attention 
to these facts might — indeed nmst — have acted to stir 
up flames of indignation which needed no fanning. 
If, as fias been hinted, the ]3articipants in the conventions 
who had no intentio]i to join personally in any outl)reak 
were to be held responsible for stimulating violence, so 
too must the newspaper writer accept responsibility 



■* Miiiot's History of ihe IcBurrcction, p. 25. 

'll.'ui)p.sliiie Convention, Minol's History of the Insuiitetion, p. 30. 

''History of llie town of Ganlnii by Wm. I). Hfnicli, p. 78. 



60 A/ncric(in Anliquar'ian Sociviij. [\\)\\\, 

for tlie passible effects of his puljiications. la the fol- 
lowing commimication to the ".Spy" of April 14, 17S-1, 
the harmonious acquiescence in the nepotism which tlie 
writer describes evidently concealed an uUeiior ])arpose: 

"Before the revolution," says tlie writer, "Air. liutcliiirsoii 
was Lieutenant Govei'uur, J\]r. Oliver was .Secretary ul' the 
Province, Peter Oliver and f'^oster Hutchinson Jis(irs. were 
Judges of the Superior Court. The people were alarmed at 
that accumulation of power in one family and connection. 
They very justly considered it a source ot' corrupt inlluence 
dangerous to puljUck liberty; and accordhigly exei'ted every 
effort in their power to dis.solve the combination, but unhai)])ily 
their mcairs were n(,)t adequate to their security. Since the 
revolution, the ojiices of Ideutenant Governor, Secretaiy of 
the Connnouwealtli, Justice of the Peace for the County of 
Suffolk, Chief Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court, Clerk 
of that Court by a brother of the Cliief Justice, and another of 
the Judges, Judge of the Maritime ("ouit, and one of the Council 
of the Commonwealth, and a Judge of bjoijate, are held by 
one family'' aiuJ connection, without any apprehension from 
the inlluence and powei-. " 

Can it be doubted that the wiiter of this communica- 
tion meant mischief? Js it not evident that resolves to 
proceed by constitutional metuis, Vvilhout mob vi(jlence, 
were calculated, perhaps intended, Lo jjroduce the very 
results whicli were deplored? 

The grievances alleged by the various conventions, 
town and county, were in tiui main concurrent, but not 
altogether so. They may be classified in three divisions : 

1st. Those which were ca])able of remedy through 
action by the existing state govcj'ument. L'jul. Those 
which required a constitutional amendment before any 
action in regard to them could be taken. 3rd. Those 
which involved some change in the carrying out of tlie 
agreements existing between the connnonwealth and 
the continental congress, through wliich agreenuMits 
the state had undertaken to do its share in the elforts 
then being made to support the credit of tlxe central 
government. 

'Tlie Gushing f,iiiiily. 



-J 



1911. 



The Shay^ RcbeUion. 



()1 



« 



« 



(f 



It is ol:)viouH that rohellio]i \va,s not necessary iu ore In- 
to secure I'easouahle legislation of u remedial character 
for the grievances included in the first of these chisses. 
The sup])ort of so large a body of constituents, as tliose 
represented in the vai'ious conventions, carried with it 
the power to coniyjel consideration. If the alleged 
grievances should pi'ove t(j be actual and inipei'ative,sonie 
remedy would be apj)lied. The burden of taxation 
and the dilhculties aiising from the lack of a medium 
of ti'ade with which to adjust debts with the state and 
with individuals were painfully evident to those who 
were trying to organize and regulate the alfairs of the 
new state, as well as to those who through their jjoverty 
were more conspicuously tlie victims of the situation. 
Complaints of this sort, though well founded, were not 
capable of immediate relief. 

Whether some of tlie remedies proposed were r(;ason- 
able or even desirabl*,^ was another matter. It is prob- 
able that satisfaction for several of the demands inade 
by the convention could only have been obhdned througli 
actual revolution. One of the remedies proposed for the 
sc^'.rcity of a medium of trade wiis the emission o{ paper 
money. There wei'e those who went so far as to propcjse 
an emission whicli should simultaneously have jirovision 
made for future depreciation. Not all of the remedial 
suggestions were as absurd as this, t)ut there were 
several which no government could have yielded except 
under compulsion. 

Among the propositions whicli would have recjuired 
constitutional amendment before they could have been 
carried into effect were a demand for the abolition of 
the senate; a change of the method of rei)resentation; 
and the abolition of the courts of common pleas and 
general sessions of the peace. The claim that all salaries 
should be fixed annually and that all civil officers of the 
government should be annually elected by the represent- 
atives would also probably come under this heading. 

The new constitution was not protected from assault 
by any particular fondness on the part of the people 






02 Avierican Anliquariait Society . [April, 

for t.lie contents of that tlocuinent. Tlie voters of the 
state were by no means satisfied that they had secured 
what they wanted in tlje form of government undei' llie 
instrument wliich had been adopted. They liad for a 
variety of reasons ah'cady rejected one constitution, 
the real feeling about which apparently was that tfie 
proposed government was Jiot close enough in touch 
with the people, or as it was tersely ]nrt in the quaint 
language of one of the towns:** "it entirely divests the 
good people of this state of many of the privileges wliich 
God and nature has given them." Another town, 
wishing to secure continuous control over tlie actions 
of its representative in the general court, jM-oposed the 
passage of a law whi(^]\ should authorize the "recall" 
of the representative at any time, the word "recall" 
itself being made use of in the i)roposition.''* There were 
suggestions enough of the "initiative" in the actions 
of conventions but nothing so direct as this forestalling 
the modern "recall." A direct attempt at putting 
the "referendum" in oi)eration was, liowever, made 
by the house in January, J 749, when they passed an 
order to print an act and to send a coj)y to the selectmen 
of each town in the [irovince, in order that the opinions 
of the voters on the subject might l)e obtained at the 
next town-meeting. The non-concurrence of the council 
prevented this being carried out.^'^ T\iq ciuestion 
whether the council and representatives should frame 
a new constitution was submitted to popular vote in 
1778. There was opposition, but the power was con- 
ferred. The constitution prepared by the assembly 
was, however, rejected. 

In some respects it is obvious that the framers of 
the constitution could not possibly have satisfied their 
constituents. On inany of the subjects under discussion 
it was impossijjle tliat the average man should have had 

''Greenwich. Massachusetts Archives, 156:275, quoleil liy Cusiiing, Triiii.-^iuuii 
from Province to Conimunwecilth, p. 216. 

'Ciisliing's Traiisiliun from I'ruvince to Commonwealth, paye 21S, aole 3, iiiu.leJ 
from Cuntiiienlal Juariud and Weckli/ Advertiser, CXLl, February 4, 177'J. 

'"Currency and Ilaiiking in Massacliuselts Bay, \o]. I, p. 230. 



lon.i 



The Shays RchdUon. 



03 



any well digested oijinioii. On the other hand, where 
opinions iiad obtained ])o8itive shape, those who had 
adc)|)ted thein were obstinate in their defence and wei'e 
reluctant to give them up even when they conllicted 
with those of otliei-s. Thus on the question of repre- 
sentation, a contemporary wiiter said that dissatis- 
faction on that point was one of the causes for the I'ejec- 
tion of the iii'st constitution, "because in the oinnion 
of the maritime towns, I'eprescntation is too uneiiual, 
while in the opinion of others it is too equiil." " It \\i' • 
natural to reject a constitution which sati^hed but few, 
coming from the source that it did, i. e., the council and 
representatives, and it was evidently imi)ossible to 
secure one from any source wliich would be universally 
acceptable. 

It is not surprising therefore to see that a second 
constitution emanating from a convention of delegates 
elected directly by the people to draft such an instru- 
ment could only secure I'eluctant adoption through the 
necessity for some form of settled government. Nor 
is it strange that tlie portion of the population which 
had no great property interests at stake should feel tiiat 
a government which had been successively colonial 
under the first charter, autocratic under Antlros, (juasi- 
colonial under the ad-inUrim government wliich assumed 
charge of ail'airs after the depositi(jn of Antlros; prcj- 
vincial under the second charter, and which in tlie inter- 
val between province and state had been governed, first 
by a so-called ])rovincial congress and lat(ir by a liead- 
less government modelled on the lines of the provisions 
made in. the second charter for an executive council 
'during the absence from the province of both governor 
and lieutenant governor, — it is not to be wondered at, 
I say, that under such circumstances as tliese, irresponsi- 
ble people should feel that the constitutional defects 
Avhich produced grievances of the second class Nvere 
capable of easy remedy. JVIoreover, as if to accentuate 



"Quoted by Cu&hiiig in Transition fioiu Province to Commonwealtli, p. 219. 



64 A/tncricun A)i(iquarian Svcitlij. [-M"'''; 

the changeable features of the government, there had 
• ■ been twe-lve royal governors of Massachusetts Bay, 
and at five dil'ferent intervals, in tlie history of the 
province, in conseciuence of the absence of these appointed 
rulers, the performance of their ofhcial duties had de- 
volved upon the lieutenant-governors. Further tlian 
this, there had l^een four distinct periods, when in con- 
sequence of the simultaneous absence from the province 
of both governor and lieutenant-governor, the council 
had been compelled to exercise its executive function. 
It must also be borne in mind that the new constitution ' 
contained within itself no other provision for amendment 
than that which was to be found iji the clause which 
provided for the submission to the people in 1795, of 
. /. ■ . the ciuestion whether the revision of the instrument 
. ' should be undertaken at tliat time. Amendments, prica- 

a to that date, could only be secured in some manner 

ji;^# not provided for in the constitution itself. 

So far as the third class of gi'ievances ^vere conceined, 
those connected with tlie apjilication of funds I'aised 
by taxation in Massachusetts for the relief of tlie con- 
tinental government, the proposed remedies could 
perhaps have been secured without using force, but it 
would have been at the expense of tlie honor of the state. 
The social conditions left by the war as a legacy to 
the state were such as to demand of good citizens both 
patience and oi)timism. The taxes were necessarily^ 
high. The cultivation of the soil and the general pro- 
duction of home industiies had been interfered with 
through scarcity of labor. The fishing Iteet on which 
the province had depended for the West India trade 
had been almost annihilated. On the other liand, the 
diminution of the production of local industries had 
compelled large im})ortations from England, witli the 
concomitant penalty of an unusual demand for silver for 
remittance, at a time when the supply was abnormally 
low. The lack of credit on the part of the confedeiated 
states had led to the emission of the continental currency 
in such volume that it had become absolutely worthless, 



m 



1011. 



TJie Shays Rchcllion. 



65 



and the means were not at command in the form of 
mctaUic currency to adjust either taxes or private debts. 
Tlie finances of the country had reverted to a condition 
which miglit i)erliaps iiave been borne with ])aticnce 
under the circumstances which existed a century and 
a ludf before, but which must have been galling when 
accepted as the result of a war for relief from the oppres- 
sion of an over-sea government. Lack of a circulating 
medium compelled barter. Isaiah Thomas advertised 
ill the "Spy" of November 17, 1785, that he would 
receive in settlement of debts due liim, which did not 
exceed 20s., Indian corn, rye, wheat, wood or flaxseed. 
Dr. Green ciuotes from a (iroton diary, ^" entries showing 
that in 1787, wheat, corn, flaxseed, rye and joeas were 
made use of in settlement of debts in regular course 
of trade. Dr. Bancroft epitoTuizes the condition of 
affairs of which these facts were significant as follows :^^ 
"The revolutionary war had then closed, and paper 
money no longer passed as a currency; every production 
of the earth had greatly fallen in price, state taxes were 
high and creditors demanded their dues." The courts 
were burdened with suits for ordinary debts, by mc^ans 
of which creditors sought to put in more lasting form 
the obligations which their debtors could not at that 
time meet. In Worcester County alone, with a popu- 
lation of less than 5U,UU0, more than 2,000 actions were 
entered in 1784 and during the next year 1,700 more 
were put on the list.^' 

The combination of circumstances was such as to 
furnish an adecjuate explanation for the uni'cst and 
clamor of the people. If we seek for an explanation 
of the more violent nature of the expression of these 
feelings in the western part of the state, we shall i)er- 
haps find it in the; touch of the maritime counties with 
foreign trade. This left behind it, in the hands of the 



"'Grotoii Historical Series, Vol. I, no. XIX, pp. 15, 10. 

'''a Sermon delivered in Worcester, January 31, 183C, by Aaron liancroft, D.D. 
a1 the terniiiiat'i..ii of lifty years of liis ministry, p. 19. ■ • ■ , 

'^Lincoln's History of Worcester, p. 131. ■■ ' 



66 Aviericun. Anliquariau Socictij. [\])vi\, 

merchants, enough metalhc cui'rency to reheve the local 
situation from the spur to violent outbreak created l)y 
compulsory resort to barter, but not ^ enough for a 
medium of trade for tlie entire state. 

The dissemination tlu'ough the comnmnity of a large 
number of discliarged soldiers, wlio (ov years liad l)een 
accustomed to a life in whicli many of the rules of civil- 
ized society were necessarily set aside and standards 
adopted better fitted for success in carrying on war, 
added to the perplexities of the situation. It is in fact 
to be wondered at, that the presence of so many men 
seeking to resume their functions of life in a society 
which had adapted itself to their absence, sljould havci 
resulted in so little violence. Civil war brings in its 
trail disturbances caused by efforts at readjustment, 
and if after the war of secession, we escaped the worst 
of these, we at least inherited an army of tramps, whom 
no Count llumford has as j'^et brougl)t into line. My 
purpose is not, however, to dwell upon this outbreak 
as one of the lawless but natiu'al products of a prolonged 
state of war, a pi'oposition which is olyviously admissil)le, 
but to point out the fact that besides tlie disorganizing 
effect of the presence of tlicse disbanded soldiers, tliere 
was throughout the connnunity a general convicticjn 
that relief from distress was to be secured by (jpposition 
to the constituted govei'nment, a proposition that had 
been the fundamental doctrine of provincial politics 
for many years. The underlying cause of all or nearly 
all of the trouble, at this time, the lack of a circulating 
medium, was incapable of inunediate remedy. Patience 
under the distressing circumstances which prevailed 
was not to have been exjiected, but the readiness with 
which so many citizens were led to relicai'se their griev- 
ances and demand redress in such form as practically 
would have called for a revision of the fundamental 
instrument of social and political oi'ganization, was 
probably the result of the i^rotean character of tlie 
government during its century and a half of life, and of 
the political teachings of provincial days. Moreover, 



1911.] The Sluiijs RchdUon. 07 

if the action of the people in convention should lead to 
outbreak, the remonstrants were not altogether un- 
accustomed to the use of I'emedies of that nature as a 
means of overcoming what they deemed to be tlie 
oppression of the government. Witness tlie deposition 
and deportation of Andros; the Knowles impressment 
riot; the resistance to the cnforcejnent of the Stamp 
Act; the destruction of the household projjerty of 
Governor Hutchinson; the riotous proceedings and the 
personal maltreatment of cei'tain oflicers of tlie crown'" 
on the occasion of the seizure of Hancock's ship in 1708; 
the destruction of the tea in Boston harbor; the com- 
pulsory efforts made use of to prevent the mandamus 
councillors from serving; the exi)ulsion of the loyalists 
from their homes, and the confiscation of tlieir j^roperty. 

Such being the conditions under which opinions as 
to the use of force in politics had been formet,!, let us 
turn back the leaves of history and trace the develop- 
ment of political interest in the colony and province. 

The half century of colonitd life saw a continuous 
struggle against the home government, with the excep- 
tion of the intermission during the days of the common- 
wealth, when there was no crown to fight against. The 
assumption that a charter granted to a mercantile 
company contained the power thi'ough the general 
court of that company to administer the affairs of an 
important colony, in its own name, even to the drop- 
ping out of reference to the crown in all court processes, 
may have had some technical ground upon wliich it 
could stand, but was obviously outside the compi'ehen- 
sion of those connected with origin of the charter. 
With tactful avoidance of collision with the crown, a 
pei'manent government might have been worked out, 
but under any other conditions the attempt to form one 
on these lines was liable to fail. In the letter of instruc- 



'' The following, whether the incid<»iit related of Governor Shute is well founded 
or not, betrays the contempornueous slate of belief: "It wus known to his friends 
that as he sat in one of the chambers of his house, the window and door of a closet 
bcinis open, a bullet entered through the window and door passages and passed very 
near him." Hutchinsun's History of Massachusetts, Vol. II, p. 260. 



68 American A/nliquarian Socicly. [April, 

tions which Charles II gave to the coinmissioiiers whom 
he sent over in 1GG4 for the purpose of regulating the 
relations of the colony with the crown, he says that one- 
of the functions of the commissioners would be "to 
suppress and utterly extinguish those unreasonable 
jealousies and malicious calumnies which wicked and 
uncjuiet spirits perpetually labored to infuse into the 
minds of men, that his subjects in those parts did not 
submit to his government, but looked upon themselves 
as independent of him and his laws."^" Strike out the 
sonorous phrase in which the monarch s(jught to prepare 
a way of retreat for the recalcitrant colonists, througli 
the assertion that the reports of what they were doing 
were incredible and malicious, and we have here recog- 
nition on the part of tlie crown of wliat was tlie real 
attitude of the colonial government, and doul)tless also 
of the colonists. One feature of this condition of affairs 
was quaintly put by Cotton Mather in the translation 
of a Latin ciuotation which he says applied to Massa- 
chusetts: "A province very talkative, and ingenious 
for the vilifying of its pubUc servants."" 

The conflict between the crown and the colonists 
indicated in the above was, however, a conflict of govern- 
ments and not an assault of politicians upon a govern- 
ment. The colonists as a rule were loj^aL to their own 
leaders. Recalcitrants were exiled and if discontents 
remained within the limits of tlie colony they were in 
such a minority that they could not hope to overturn 
the local government. "There are, "said Randolph, ^'^ 
"in the very Magistracy, Clergy, Army, Marchants & 
Comoners many that highly affect his Ma" Interest, 
but the dayly abuses and discouragem" offered to such 
in whom appears the least sus])ition of Loyalty makes 
them conceal themselves till it shall please his Ma^ 
fully to resolve upon y" reducing this Plantacon to 
their due Obedience." ''''"^" ; whole contest between the 



"^I'lilfiey's Hibtoiy of New EngluiKi, Vol. 11, p. 582. 

"MaiiunVm, llaitfura Kd., 1S53, Vol. 1. p. 22-1. 

'"Toppaii's ICmi.lulph, rriiice .Si)(ii.'ty'H I'ulilioations, Vul. 11, p. 207. 



1911.] The Shays RehcUion. G!) 

colony and the crown was an instruction in tlie art of 
political warfare vvhicli could not have been lost u])on 
the people. They were brought up on the theory that 
the fundamental ])olicy of the colony was — hostility 
to the representatives of the crown. 

With the organization of the government under the 
provincial charter there came a different condition of 
affairs. The new local administi'ation represented the 
English court. The governor, the lieutenant governor 
and the secretary were to be appointed by the crijwn. 
The judges of tlie i)rovincial law courts, the shei-ilTs 
and the other olhcers of the courts and of the council 
were in turn to be appointed by the governor and council 
and these several api)ointments would necessarily be 
based upon a belief that the apjiointees were loyal to 
the home government. This was especially t juc; of the 
officers who were to be at the head of the local govern- 
ment, but the inference as to the essential ([uality of 
the politics of those whom they in turn should appoint 
was almost equally strong. The supplanting of an 
elective governor and an elective judiciary liy officials 
whose tenure of office was dependent upon court or 
gubernatorial favor was practically a revolution. Tlie 
local pohticians seeking for relief from the aristocratic form 
of the new government soon discovered that the failure 
to prescribe salaries for the governor and for the judi(;iary 
had left in their hands an implement of warfare of which 
they were not slow to avail themselves. So far as the 
judiciary was concerned the ([uestion of their salaries 
did not figure in the contest until a later date, but under 
the leadership of the first Elisha Cooke, the assembly 
refused point blank to assign a specific sahiry to the 
governor. The most that they would do was from time 
to time to make allowances to the incumbent of the 
office for the time being, and the amount of these allow- 
ances was affected by the relations of the governor to 
the assembly. Repeated royal instructions to govern- 
ors of the province to secure from the assembly a fixed 
salary failed totally to accomplish the desired purposes. 



70 Anuricait. Aiitiqudriun Sociely. [April, 

Tlic people of Uie province had been deprived of a 
voice in the selection of the men for certain offices, hut 
they at any rate jiad tlie say as to what those men should 
be paid, and although tliis control of emolument was 
not adequate entirely to overcome the coui'tJeivhip of 
the several govei-nors it evidently proved to be of im- 
portance in shaping events at certain crises in politics. 

Speaking of the dependence in which Phips found 
hin)self, Chalmers says, "It now appeared how little 
it availed tliat the province had the: power to appcjint 
a governoi', if the provincials might refuse to pay; how 
difficult it is for dependence to enforce respect." ^" Hutch- 
inson saya that in his day a speech of Bellomont's 
to his wife on the occasion of the governoj''s entej'taining 
a number of representatives was still well remembered: 
"Dame," said Bellomont, "we should treat these gentle- 
men well, they give us our bread. "^'^ 

On the 2Gth of July, 17] 5, Dudley being then governor, 
the council notified the lujiise that the annual allowances 
for certain officers had not been made and added that 
the treasurer was not willing to be sworn for the service 
of the year, until his allowance for the i)receding year 
sliould be grajited. The (juestion being i)ut in the house 
whether they should i)roceed to make the allowances 
at this time, the tax to be levied for tlie year not having 
been agreed u})(jn, it was decided n(yt to do so. The 
points at issue between the house and council at this 
time were connected with the currency, and tlie house 
positively refused to make these allowances, even after 
the governor had promised to accept their terms, until 
he actually attached his signature to the bill under 
discussion.^^ 

In 1720, at a time of activity in the chronic legislative 
warfare, the assembly, instead of making the usual grant 
to the governor for services, at the beginning of the 



'^Aii liitruiluclion to the History of the Kevolt of the Amoiii-iin C<jluiiies. By 
Geoi);e ClialnnTs, IJoslon, lSij4, p. 237. 

'^"Hutchhison'.s History of Ma.ssaclilii^ell.-, liosloii, 1795. Vol. ]J, p. 107, note. 
-'House Jouiiiul, 1715, FoU-I'.s repiiiit, ]j. ■th, p. 55, p. 50. 



1911, 



The Shays Rcbdlivn. 



71 



session, postponod tlie vote upon th(3 a])propjialion 
to the end of their sitting and tlien cut down the usual 
allowance one half, although the depreciation of tlie cur- 
rency had already gi'catly reduced the efficacy ( jf the ap] )ro- 
priation. I'hey also reduced the allowance of the lieu- 
tejiant govej-nor at the same time to such tui extent tliat 
he refused to accept it.'"'^ In 1721, they temporarily 
withlield the allowances for all salaried oilicers j^ending 
tlie action of the governor on the ap])roval or disa])proval 
of cei'tain elections which liad been submitted to him 
for liis consideration.'"'^ Burnet, in 1728, in his discussion 
with the asseinbly concerning his salary, asserted that 
the purpose of the assembly was to keej) th(.' governois 
in a state of dependence and tlien sp(x;ihcally stated 
tliat the house had refused last year, i. e. 1727, "to 
make the usual grants and allowances, not only to the 
lieutenant governor but to other oilicers, until they had 
comi)elled liim to give his consent to a loan of sixty 
thousand pounds in bills of credit."'^'* 

Belcher wr(jte, "The Ibjuse of Representatives of 
this Province are rumiing wild, nor are tlieir attempts 
for assuming in a jnanner the whole legislative as well 
as the executive part of the government into their own 
hands to be endured with honour to Ids Majesty."''' 

Pressure was contimially exercisetl upon the g(jvernors 
of the province by the crown to secure from the assembly 
recognition of tlie right of the incumbent of the guJjer- 
natorial office to a fixed and permanent salary. Yet, 
even when the instructions to the governor contained 
a direct threat of pailiamentary interferenc(_' the assem- 
bly did not yield. Tins i)articular element of conflict 
was perhaps tlu; nujst conspicuous and most persistent 
of all those which fi'om time to time cropped out in the 
chronic (conflicts between the assembly and governors. 
There wei-e others, however, which made tlieir appearance 



-2 llutohi[i,s,,ii'H Hi.-itury of .\l;issacl.u&cas, Busturi, 1795, \'..l. U, p. 217. 
^■'' nutcluuson's llit.tuiy of MassacbuseUs, Jfoslun, 17115, Vul. If, p. 230. 
-' llvitLhiiison's History of Mu.-..sacliu.sens, Vol. II, p. 311. 
''Pulfiey'3 Hi.'itory of Nc-w Eiitcluiul, Vol. IV, p. S-M, ii. 



72 American Antiquarian Sovichj. ' [Api'il, 

at intervals and which .stirred up rancor and hoslihly 
in their turn. Hutchinson gives seven heads of com- 
plaint against tlie house of representatives wliich were 
included in the memorials to the king filled by Ciovernor 
Shute when he surreptitiously fled the province for the 
purpose of jjersonally presenting liis case in fjondon.'"'' 
Tliese include the question of the extent of tlie rights 
of the crown under the charter to the ])ine trees of the 
Maine forests; certain minor questions of legislative 
consequence; and complaints as to siUKh-y assumptions 
by tlie house, of military control, whicli were deemed 
inconsistent with success in the field and incompatihUv 
with the dignity of the govei-nment. To these f*alfrey 
adds, "their persistence in cripjjling him [the goveinor] 
as to his mainteiiance, and delaying their g]-ants to him 
till he had met their wishes as to giving his signature 
to their bills."'' 

Perhaps tlie complaint that next to the salary ([ues- 
tion was most efficacious in stirring up ill feeling was 
the claim of the crown, imder the cluirt er, of i)ine trees 
of a certain size in the woods of Maine. The rights of 
the ownership of tliose trees were thrashed out in ])am- 
phlet literature;'^'' in an interchange of messages between 
the governor and the house; and in discussions in Lon- 
don, where the opinions of no less than four attorneys 
ami solicitors in tlie service of the crown were obtained 
on the subject, by the board of trade, all of course 
favorable to the claims of the crown.^''^ Shute's attempt 
about this time to establish or to re-affirm a censorship 
of the press was stimulated by this contest and added 
fuel to the fiames.^'' The foregoing instances selected 



-'* Hiitcliinauii'a History uf Mussiichuselta, Vol. II, \>. 271. 

'^^ Palfrey's History of New Knglaud, Vol. IV, p. 44(i. 'I'ho seven lieails of Com- 
plaint referred to by Hutchinson are given in full in The Report of the Lords 
of the Committee, upon Governor Shute's Memorial, \vi(li his Maje.sty's Order in 
Council thereupon. The salary question was not discussed. 

^''.Mr. Cooke's Just and Seasonable Vindication respecliuj? some affaiis Iransacted 
in the late Genera! Assembly at Boston, 17liO. 

'^Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, etc., by Gc'ir.H'i Chalmers, London, 181 4, V(d. 

I, pp. iio-ii;i. 

''"The Development of the Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts, by Clyde Augus- 
tus Duniuay, p. 83, et acq. 



1911. 



The Shays Rchdlion. 



73 



from the more conspicuous of the toiiics which furnished 
a basis for collision between the representatives and tlie 
government in the days of the provinces are but examples 
of the chronic discussions which took place betvvi;en the 
governors and the representatives. The pages of the 
house journal teem with illustrations of the point which I 
have sought to establish, but perhaps th(jse already 
cited are aderiuate. Later on we have the more acute 
conditions of the conflict with which we are more fam- 
iliar, tlie attempt to raise revenue through stamps; 
the Townshend tax acts; the'trouble in connection with 
the furnishing of barracks for troops; the effort to make 
the judges independent of legislative intlucnce through 
the establishment of fixed salaries to be paid by the 
commissioners of customs; and the attempt to alter 
the form of government by making the councillors 
appointive. Detailed reference to the conflict between 
the provincial government and the colonists during 
this period is unnecessary. 

Tlie action of conmiittees of correspondence in stim- 
ulating resistance to government measures was obvious- 
ly poHtical and we know that it was powerful. This 
action was recognized by contemporaries not only as 
political but was even designated as machine politics. 
"I am constantly busied in helping forward the political 
Machines in all parts of this Province," wrote Joseph 
Warren to Samuel Adams in 1774.^^ 

The method of interchanging ideas and information, 
between Boston and the smaller towns, the inauguration 
of which in 1772 is attributed to Samuel Adams, was 
founded upon the practice which had been in existence 
nearly sixty years, of the publication, distriljution, and 
sale of the proceedings of the house of representatives. 
Information concerning current events which may 
influence political opinions is to-day disseminated 
through our community with such rapidity that even 
the most distant villages are brought daily in touch 



"'CuBliiriK's TraDsitiun from Province to Cuuimoiiwcaltli, p. 97, note. 



74 Aiiicrlcaii Aiiiiquariint Socuiy. [Xyml, 

with the cuiTent affairs of the woild. Indeed, such is 
the enterprise of some of our newspapers that they 
not infrequently anticipate the occurrence of events. 
The charter of tlie province antedates the oldest of 
the so-called newspapers of that time. The publisher 
of tlie News-Letter announced in 1723, a doctrine 
which might be epitomized in Mercutio's "a plague o' 
both your houses." He was debarred, he said, from 
pleading for harmony and concord "for fear of adding 
Oyl to the Flames, and he Remembers tlie Fable which 
shews him the danger of Interceding between Fierce 
and Contending Enemies. The Publisher would there- 
fore strive to oblige all his Readers by Publishing those 
Transactions only, that have no Relation to any of 
our Quarrels, and may be equally entertaining to the 
greatest Adversaries."^^ On the other hand the pro- 
prietor of the "Weekly Reliearsal" invited "All Gentle- 
men of Leisure and Capacity, inclined on either side, 
to write anything of a Pf)litical Nature, that tends to 
enlighten and serve the Publick, to communicate their 
Productions, provided that they are not overlong, and 
confined within Modesty and Good Alanners."^'^ The 
"New-England Courant" was pronounced by the assem- 
bly to be "a disturber of the peace and good order of 
his Alajesty's subjects of this Province," and, while 
it continued to be so, may have served to olfset the 
neutrality of the "News-Letter" or the eciuipoise of 
the "Rehearsal," but neither these papers nor any of 
the others publislied in Boston in provincial days were 
in any true sense to be relied upon for the dissemination 
of local news or the propagation of political doctrines. 
The theory of those connected with the press at that 
time was that European news was of consequence, but 
that local afi'airs did not need the aid of the newspaper 
for dissemination. The residents in the rural districts 
would have fared badly if they had been compelled 
to rely upon the various papers published in provincial 

'^^ Thomas's History of Printing, Vol. ]I, p. 204. 
■'^Tliomas's History of Printing. Vol. 11, p. 229. 



4 



-4. 



1911.] The Shays ReheUion. 75 

days for knowledge of what was going on at the state- 
house. Chance, however, favored theii- conversion 
into a set of politician:^. The circumstances connected 
with this important event are as follows: 

In 1715, while Dudle}'' was governor, the c^uarrel 
between the liouse and the executive was contmuous 
and acute. It was ob\aous that the representatives 
not onl}' distrusted the governor but that they chd not 
belieA'e that his word could be relied upon. On tlie 
21st day of June, the hotise was summoned to the council 
chamber and the court was prorogued to the 20th day 
of Jul}'. The following extract from the journal of 
the house contains an abstract of the reasons given by 
the governor for the action:^'' 

"The Representatives retm-ning to theu- own Chamber, 
and taking into Consideration his Excellency's Speech, 
directed to the Com-t, before he Declared the Proroga- 
tion: — Importing, — That it was ahnost a ]\Ionth since 
the beginning of the Sessions, and that they had done 
little or nothing for the good of the Pro\'ince, and that 
the Houses were distempered, and therefore he should 
Raise them by a shout Prorogation, hoping thej' would 
come together in a better Temper: — Did therefore 
Unanimously Agree and Conclude to Print their Jom-nal 
of the present Sessions, and Desired the Representatives 
of Boston to take care that tlie same might be Season- 
ably done; and the Clerk to prepare a Copy accorcUngh'. " 

The Boston Pubhc Library has a copy of this 1715 
journal which was acquired, if I am not mistaken, during 
the term of oflice, as librarian, of the late Alellen Cham- 
berlain. ]\Ir. Chamberlain wa^ always much interested 
in this docimient and in a conmmnication to the ]\Iass- 
achusetts Historical Society in 1882*^ he calls attention 
to the fact that with this number began the publication 
of the house journal. The events which occiUTed on 
the 21st of June, 1715, when Dudley prorogued the court, 
fascinated him and he was wont to describe them with 



'^ House Journal, 1715, Ford's reprint, p. 34. 

^Proceedings of Massacbuselis Hitti.iical Society, Ser. I, vol. XX, p. 33. 



J 



y 



70 American Antiquarian Socicti/. [April, 

a freedom of speech not permissible in a formal pa])er 
devoted to historical research, but wliich brought before his 
hearers much more clearly what had actually taken i^lace. 
"Dudley," he would say, "finding the representatives 
obstinate and unwilling to co-operate with him in legis- 
lation that he wanted, prorogued the court, and in his 
speech told the representatives that he sent them Injine 
because they were wasting their own time as well as 
the money of the province. It would be better for them 
to be at home than to be drawing pay for doing nothing 
in Boston. Whereupon the representatives said, 'Doing 
nothing. We'll show our constituents that this is a 
slander by publishing our jomual. This will of itself 
refute the governor's charge.'" 

From tliat day down to the revolution, the journal 
was published and to a certain extent distributed. The 
means were thereby placed at the command of the resi- 
dents in the rural districts of knowing what their repre- 
sentatives were doing. It is not to be supposed that the 
editions were large, but at any rate each representative 
had a copy and the colophons of the publication show 
that tlie journal was jjlacecl on public sale. Up to the 
time of this publication the people of Boston alone of 
tlie residents in the })rovince were so situated that they 
could know what was occurring from tlay to day in 
the general court, but from that time forward not only 
they but the groups that in winter gathered round the 
open fires in the bar rooms of the country taverns could 
discuss the ciucstions pending in the court, could criti- 
cise the doings of their representatives, and coukl with 
some sort of authority speak of matters pertaining to 
provincial politics.^*^ 

The quotations which I have made from the journal 
of 1715 were obtained from a repi'int issued by our 



Sli' 



"They always esteem il (the Liberty of the press] one of their jireatoat Ijless- 
ings, as being the Means of conveying public Intelligence so that they may come to 
the knowledge of what their Delegates are about, to Icnow what is doing Abroad 
and at Home, which they have an absolute right to know, and form their Con- 
duct accordingly," Appendix to Massachusetts in Agony, 1761, p, 4; see Colonial 
Currency Reprints, Prince Society Publications, Vol. IV. p. 464. 



1911.1 



The tShays Rehellion. 



77 



associate, Wortliington C. Ford. Let me quote from 
liis preface a few words whicli indicate the cli'ect made 
upon his mind of tlie political character of tliis ijro- 
ceeding:^^ "Thus began a practice of pj'inting the 
Joiu'nals of the House whicli was continued in an ahnost 
unl^roken series till the Rev(jlutionary War. Tlie 
convenience oi having the record in such a form would 
alone have justified the publication; as time passed, 
the political advantages were also recognized, and the 
long controversy arising between the Governor and the 
House or between the Council and the House, led to 
many papers, worthy to be called State papers, f)eing 
spread uijon the images of the Journals. Such pulilica- 
tions were intended more for the constituents of the 
House than for any effect they could produce upon those 
immediately engaged in the controversies; and, in the 
absence of an active press, the political questions received 
their discussions in messages, addresses, declarations, 
or the more formal j)roclamation, — the most final of 
all expressions of opinion." 

The representatives began the publication of tlieir 
journal solely to offset the as))ersions of Governor Dud- 
ley. The obvious success which attended this action 
was demonstrated at once, and the v;due to the represen- 
tatives of this means of ccjumumication with their 
constituents led to the contiuuance of the practice. 
The following instances will show how powerful the 
publicity thus given legislative proceedings i)roved to 
be. In the sunnner of 1719, there was a prolonged 
contest over the bill for granting rates and duties of 
import and tunnage of shipjiing. Towards the end of 
the discussion the house passed a resolution which was 
offensive to the council. In their answer thereto the 
board notified the house that the publication of the 
resolve in question would oblige tliem to make a reply. 
The dilTerences of opinion between the two houses, 
they added, were already too well known. They there- 
fore submitted to the house whether it would not "be 



'''House Jouriiul, i715, Foid'b repriut, p. [is]. 



h 



78 Arncncnn Anliquarian Society. [April, 

better to wholly .siippi'ess the Puhlishing any Thing 
which may carry or bear a Reflection on any Part ol' 
the Court and be iin]jroved by those who are not our 
best Friends to our Disadvantage. " ^"^ 

At the November session the same year, tiie govern- 
or repeatedl}^ reciuested, and the house repeatedly 
refused^*' the withholding from the press of an "Addi- 
tional answer to his Speech" relating to a charge made 
against the provincial government by tlie lords com- 
missioners, of having "hindered the vSiirveyor General 
of the lands in the execution of his ofhce." In July, 
1721, Governor Shute, in a speech to tlie representatives 
said, "I am very much concerned to find in the printed 
journal of the house, first, an order to appoint a com- 
mittee to draw a memorial upon, or representation of, 
my speech, made before the dissolution of the Assembly 
of March last, and afterwards the memorial itself, signed 
by Mr. Cooke in the name of the conmiittee."'" These 
instances, of remonstrance at publication and of appeal 
to prevent the same, suliiciently demonstrate the 
promptness with which the political power thus gained 
by the house was realized by the governor and council 
and they adequately show the full appreciation of the 
efiicacy of this proceeding. 

Indiscretion on the part of men of political prominence, 
especially if connnitted in epistolary correspondence, 
was eagerly seizeil upon during this period and was 
availed of for what it was worth. Paul Dudley, the 
son of the governor, wrote to a friend, "Tliis country 
will never be worth living in for lawyers and gentlemen 
'till the charter is taken away." By some means or 
other the letter fell into the hands of his enemies and 
was made use of for all it was wortli b}^ tha political 
opponents of liis father and himself.'*' 



'^'^Lawa and Uu.-iulvcs rroviiice Massacliust-llri Bay, Vol. II, p. Kil. . . 

^"Palfrey'a History of New iMiglainl, Vol. IV, p. JOS. 

•"'Hutchiiisoii'3 liiHtory of Massachusetts, Vol. II, p. 23'1. 

^'It was published in "A X'indicatiun of the BaiiU of Creilit," etc. St'c Colonial 
Cuneney Reprints, Prince Society ruMicaticnis, Vol. 1, p, lili'J, and a^ain in " Ue- 
flections upon Reflections, " etc., Ibid. \ Ul. II, p. lliU. 



1911.1 



Tlie Shays J^icbcIIion. 



79 



Private letters of Thomas Tlutchinson and others, in 
which as loyalists they had expressed opinions obnoxious 
to the patriotic party, were published in 1773 in various 
forms much to the consternation of the writers, and with 
great political etl'ect.'^ 

The point whicli I have endeavored to sustain in 
this paper, that the politics of the i)rovince were con- 
sistently maintained by partisans who wei'c either 
persistentl}'' loyal to the government or with eciual 
persistence hostile to it, might pci'haps rest upon the 
evidence furnished by the condition of affairs just prior 
to the ]-evolution when committees of corres{)ondence, 
of inspection and of obsei-vation, when town meetings 
and county conventions marshalled the forces of the 
patriot party and held them in line ready for action 
against the government; but 1 have sought to go behind 
this and to show that these organizations were the 
outgrowth of the action of the house of representatives 
in printing their joiniial, thus furnisliing a date for the 
beginning of the participation of the rural ]jo])ulation 
in current politics. If the inference drawn as to tlie 
effects resulting from the picturcsciue encounter of 
Dudley with the house be justiiiable, then it is obvious 
that the representatives on tliatday earned for themselves 
a permanent niche in the hall of history, by thus arous- 
ing the interest of the farmers in the affairs of the 
province; and I may also add tliat this permanent 
addition to the discontents in Boston made the party 
which was hostile to the government so powerful that 
it is not to be wondered at that the memory of its 
teachings should have lingered until the day of Shays. 



■''See Wiiisur'a Naiiative aiid Criticiil History of America, Vol. VI, p. 'J 3, for u 
list of the pulilications. Hutcliiiisoii himself describes the afl'uir at ienglh iii his 
History of Massachusetts, Vcjl. Ill, p, -iOO, ct acq. Ifositier in his JJIc of Tliuinas 
Hutchinsou gives the Hutchinson h.Ilcis, Appendix C. 



80 American Antiquarian Society. [-^piil, 



THE VALUE OF ANCIENT MEXICAN 

MANUSCRIPTS IN THE STUDY OF 

THE GENERAL DEVELOPMENT 

OF WRITING. 

BY ALFRED M. TOZZER. 



The successive stages tlirougli which writing has 
passed luive been fairly generally accepted and I do 
not intend at this time to add an^^thing new in regard 
to this development of writing.^ Illustrative examples 
have usually been drawn from various sources in point 
of time and place. It is possible, however, to hnd in the 
Mexican manuscripts illustrations of all the steps in 
the early history of writing." 

Mexico is the only part of the new world where tliere 
are any appreciable data on the prehistoric life of a 
people outside of tlie monmnents and objects found in 
connection with them. In Mexico and Central America 
we approach even if we do not, by any means, reach 
that fortunate situation in the old world wliere the 
documentary evidence of an ancient culture, a liter- 
ature, is present as an important aid in the study of the 
life of a people. 

The manuscrijjts of Mexico and Central America 
have, for the most part, been neglected by all except the 
specialists in this field. These documents furnish impor- 
tant examples of primitive ideas of art and illustration 
together with minute details of etlmological interest. 



M<'ur u sliort account of the development of wriiing, see Clodd, l'JU7. / 

*' A portion of tliis paper was presented at tlie Toronto Meeting of tlie Archieoloi!:ical 
Institute of America, December 28-31, 1908. A lirief abstract is publislietl in the 
Arnurican Journal uj ArcJiccology, (second series) Vol. XIII, pp. (J5-Uti, lUOi). 



I 1911.] AncicJil AIcxic(i/i lUiinuscripls. 81 

1 The JVIexican iiuinuscripts may be divided into two 

i obvious classes, those written before the advent of the 

t' • Si)aniards at the beginning of the sixteenth century 

) , and tliose written dining the early days of tlie Spanish 

I occupation. Another classification might be based 

f , . on the distinct localities where the manuscripts are 

supposed to have been written, the nationality of their 
authors. The codices of the Nahuas or x\.ztecs of the 
plateau of Mexico are to be distinguished from those 
of the Naliuas of the iicrra caUcnlc region and these in 
turn from those of the Zapotecs in the state of Oaxaca, 
and these, again, from the manuscripts of tlie Mayas of 
Yucatan, southern Mexico and Guatemala. Tlie many 
minor differences do not prevent one irom seeing a great 
' similarity both in subject matter and treatment run- 
ning through them all. The calendar, together with 
other featui'es of the life of the different peoples of Mexi- 
co and Central America, shows a conmion origin and, 
to a certain point at least, a parallel development. 

The number of manuscripts is limited. The Maya 
documents form the smallest class with three. There 
are more than a score of available codices from the 
Mixtec-Zapotec region, a 'great part of which show a 
strong Nahua influence, and about half as many from 
the Nahuas proper, in addition to a large number of single 
maps and other manuscrij^t material from Mexico.^ 

The Spanish priests in their attempts to Christianize 
the natives aimed especially to destroy all that per- 
tained to the ancient teaching. Accounts tell of the 
large number of manuscripts burned, and all owing 
to the misdirected zeal of these Spanish missionaries. 
The greater part of the documents still in existence are 
in European libraries although a few still remain in 
public or private collections in Mexico. 

The manuscripts are usually written either on long 
strips of deerskin, fastened together end to end, or on 
strips of paper made of bark or of maguey fibre. The 



^For tlie names of the inot^t imporfunt eodir/es fiorm Mexico ajul Ceiitrul .America, 
see Siiville, 1901, Lujeiil, 1002, aiij I.eliniaiiii, 1905. 



r 



82 A'liicrican Auliqudrimt >S'oc/(7/y. lApni, 

whole strip is, in most cases, folded up like a screen. 
The two sides of the sheet are often coveriHl with a tliin 
layer of fine plaster on which the chai-acters are painted. 
Those dating from post-Columbian times are often 
written on Euroi)ean paper. 

The greater part of these early manuscripts have been 
})ublished. Lord Kingsborougli in the first quarter 
of the last century was the first to recognize the impor- 
tance of reproducing the codices for study. The Due de 
Loubat has been instrumental in bringing out in exact 
facsimile several of the most important ones. There is 
therefore a considerable amount of available material for 
a study of the writing of Mexico and Central America. 

Both the pre-Columbian and the post-Cohnnbian 
manuscripts contain records of an historical nature, 
accounts of migj'ations, the succession of rulers, cam- 
paigns and lists of tribute. DiiTerent phases of tlie 
ancient religion and the calendar are also shown, the 
secular and the sacred calendar, astronomical calcula- 
tions, the methods of divination of the lucky and un- 
lucky days, and the religious ceremonials. 

It is not, liowever, tlie ideas expressed in these docu- 
ments but the methods used in expressing them, not 
what is written but how it is written, not the content 
but the means employed, that the present paper aims 
to consider. The manuscripts form only a part of the 
available material for the study of the writing of the 
peoples of Mexico and Centrtd .'Vmerica. The extensive 
use of stone carving, on the facades of buildings, on 
altars and stela_', and on the lintels, opens up anotlier 
extensive source from wliich examples might be drawn. 
It is only in one case, however, that an illustration will 
be taken from the stone bas-reliefs. 

The early history of writing has been curiously alike 
over the greater part of the world. The preliminary 
step is in the use of remindei's or mnemonics. These 
signs convey no niessage in themselves but serve only 
as an aid in bringing to mind some event. They are 
not universally useful as are many specimens of {)icture 



1011.1 



Ancient Mexican ^f(lnusrri|)fs. 



83 



n 



fi! 



lis.. 
\i ■ 



writing. They can usually be employed only l)y those 
who possess the previous kmtwledge wliich the remind- 
ers serve to recall. Notched sticks and tallies of various 
kinds are well-known examples of tliis class. The 
Roman rosarj^ immediately suggests itself as belonging 
to the same type. The Peruvian ejuipu or knotted stiing 
is usually cited as the best representative of the class 
of reminders. Boturini (174G) in his "Idea de una 
nueva historia general" states that the natives of Mexico 
used a knotted string for recording events before the 
invention of a hieroglyphic writing. Its native name 
was nepohual tzitzin, "cordon de cuenUi y niiinero."^ 
Lumholtz (1902, Vol. II, p. 128) states that the Huichols 
of north-central Mexico in setting out on a journey 
prepare two strings of bark fibre and tie as many knots 
in them as there are days in the journey. (3ne string 
is left behind in the temple with one of the principal 
men and the other is carried on the trip. A knot is 
untied in each string eacli day. As the travellei'S always 
camp in the same places, tliey are protected from acci- 
dents in each place by the prayers of those at home. 
Lumholtz cites a second instance of the use of the knotted 
string as a reminder. In the Hiktdi rite there is a 
general confession made by the women. "In order 
to help their memories each one prepares a string made 
out of strips of palm leaves in which she has tied as 
many knots as she has had lovers. This twine she 
brings to the temple and standing before the tire she 
mentions aloud all the men slie has scored on her string, 
name after name. Having finished, she throws her 
list into the fire and when the god has accepted and 
consumed it in his fiame, all is forgotten," The men 
have a similar' custom. 



* Boturini, 174C, p. 85, "Naci6 us&iinismo en csta Kdad un raro iiiodo de liistniiar, 
y fufe con unos Cordones largos, eii los ciuales se entretexian otros delj!:ailoH, que 
pendian de el Cordon principal con niidos de diferentes colores. Llamabanse estas 
Uiatorias Kuniuulares en los Keynos del Peril Quipu, y en lo.s <le la NuLva i.'sijaiia 
NepukuattzUziii, derivando su denomiuacion .de el adverliio Nepulmalli, que (Hiiere 
deeir Ochenta, 6 conio di tlixerainos, Cvrdun de cuetitii, y numtru, en que se refcrian y 
numeraban las cosas ilignas de nienioria, a.ssi Uivinas, coino Ilumanas." 



f 



84 Avicricmi Antiquarian Sociiii/. [.\\)n\, 

A .single maiuiscript leaf of the Iluinboldt Collection, 
dated 1509, (PI. I) .shows the same idea of rcniinder,s 
together with true pictui'e-writing.^ It is a ))akcr's 
account. Just as tlie baker in many countries notched 
a stick in keeping his record, so here he employs much 
the same principle. The circles are tallies, the remind- 
ers of the number of tortillas or perhaps loaves of bread 
baked each day by the women. The sign of the (lag 
over several of the circles is a symbol for twenty. 
Tlie circles containing tlie curved lines sho^y the feast 
days, the Sundays, coming six days apart. Tlie 
Spanish method of keeping time has been adoj)ted in 
this case. 

The first step in the development of writing after the 
preliminary stage of reminders is that of pure pictunis. 
There is no lack of illustiations of this step in the manu- 
scripts. Pictures are used simply as jiictures with no 
idea of sound entering into the meaning. They are 
used not as symbols or signs of sometliing else but 
simply in their objective sense. There is no trace of 
mysticism. The objects represented cannot be treated 
as ciphers or cryptograms in any attemjDt at their inter- 
pretation. A good example is found in a series of 
pages (Pis. Il-V) fro]n a post-Columbian manuscript 
in the Mendoza- Collection now in the Bodleian Ivibrary 
and publislied in Kingsborougli (1831-1848, Vol. I, Pis. 
LIX-LXII).** The pictures give a clear account of 
the education of the Mexican boy and girl from the age 
of three to the age of fifteen. Tlie boy and his father 
are shown on the left and tlie girl and her mother on 
the rigiit. The years are indicated by circles and the 
daily allotment of bread appeal's in front of each child. 
At the age of three a half-cake or tortilla is the daily 
ration, whereas at four it is increased to a whole (;ne. 



■''This iiuiiuiscript is culled rratiinent XIH c.f tlie IfumliohU CuUeetiou and is 
deseiibeil in Seler, 1893, and also in his eulleeted wuiks, W'i. I, pp. 270-283. This 
is iraiislaled in Bureau of Elhnulvgy, Bulletin 28, pp. 212-217, PI. XVIII. 

"Tlii.s series uf pa^es is also published in Mallory, 1888-1880, Pis. XXXV-XXX VIU. 
1 an, inilebted for this series of pictures (Pis. II-V) and al.-o for PI. 1, to Mr. F \V. 
lloil|!i!. chief of the liuremi of American PUhiioloKy. 



1911.] Ancient Mexican Manuscripts. 85 

PL II shows the education from the ages of three to 
six. PL III indicates the tasks imposed and the punish- 
ments given to chikh'en from the ages of seven to ten, 
PL IV continues tlie punishments for tlie eleventli and 
twelfth years and sfiows the tasks from the thirteenth 
and fourteenth years. PL V, at tlie top, indicates that 
at the age of fifteen the boy is turned over to an outside 
autliority to continue his education. Tlie lowei- half 
of the same plate sliows clearly by means of pictures 
the marriage ceremony. The groom carries his bride 
on his back into an enclosure and is a,cconjpanied by 
four women carrying torches. The marriage rite con- 
sists of tying the corners of the mantles of the two to- 
gether. The marriage feast is also indicated. Tlie 
Spanish accounts of the ancient marriage customs are 
no clearer than the pictures shown in this manuscript. 
Every detail recorded in the picture is describctl in the 
Spanish texts covering these points. 

It is not possible in the present paper to enti'r into a 
discussion of the different uses of picture-writing among 
i the Mexicans. From our point of view much that 

I appears as mere decoration, as ornameni, on tlie sculi)- 

|. I tured facades of the buildings and on the bas-reliefs 

;* ; are far more than decorative designs. Thei'c is, in 

' i ' every case, a meaning, however hidden it may be by 

j^i the complication of the design. 

' I Picture-writing may develop along two lines, the first 

r i to a form of conventionalized pictures, and the second 

11 to one characterized by symbolic forms which in turn 

i f: may become conventionalized. Conventionalization 

■J ■ shows itself often in stereotyped forms used over and 

1 1 over again to express the same idea. The moimtain 

1 1 almost always appears as shown in Figs. 3-5. All the 

[ top part is painted green, the bottom yellow with a 

\ line of red above. The color of the original drawings 

if* is a great aid in identifying the pictures. 

fl _ The usual form of house is sliown in Fig. 3, water as 

;''| in Fig. 4 at the top of the mountain. The water is 

, usually colored blue. 



r 



80 Aiiitrican A iitiqvarian Socicly. |A])iil, 

Symbolism m;iy appeal' in (lie use of the. i)ait Inr the 
wliole, the picture of tlie whole body of a .)a,!i;uar may 
give way to a iei)resentaiioii of the head or, still further, 
the idea of the animal may be expressed by the spotting 
of the skin. The road travelled is shown by foot-prints 
as in Fig. 1. Night is pictured by the stars in a circular 
field as seen in the Mendoza manusci'ipt (PI. IV, n). 
Death is often shown by a skull. 

Symbolism and conventionalism may apjiear in the 
same figure. Speech and song are usually exi)ressed 
by a comma-like form in front of the nunith as shown 
before the parents instructing their children (Pis. IT-V). 
These speech-forms sometimes go so far as to indicate 



Firicuii 1. 

the actual character of the speech. An examj^le taken 
from a stone bas-relief in Yucatan^ illustrates this 
point (Fig. 2). The whole design, of which that shown 
in Fig. 2 is only a small part, centres around an altar 
behind wliich is sliown the feathered serpent. Sj:)eech- 
scrolls are indicated before the mouths of all the peison- 
ages. Tlie warrior above is bringing his offering of 
weapons. He has before his mouth, separated only by 
his breast ornament, the conventionalized head of a ser- 
pent with open jaws, the nose-plug, the eye and teeth. 
This evidently is the representation of a prayer or 
speech in behalf of the serpent-god. B(dow, to the left 
of the altar, the figure is possibly an idol; to the right 
of the altar, a civilian is shown bringing his gifts, possi- 
bly bags of feathers. Before the mouth of this figure 
a most elaborate speech is indicated with buds, blossoms, 



'This bas-relief forms the back of the lower chumhur of the Teuiple of the 'i'igers 
at Chichen Itza. For a drawins; of the whole liesign, see Maudblay, 1895-1902, 
Plates, Vol. HI, PI. XLIX. An expiunation of tlie desifjn is given in Seler, 1S9S. 



o no 







^l 






'^f^,r^:-.r 



o ooo 



np' 





ooooo 




OOOOoo 



tfy 



"3= 



"1 



I; 



^:^ 









ri.AlJ. II. .M10.\MJW/A CuDJiX. 



o 
uooooo 




"^/i^r^ 



« ^m 






u 



oo o o 

OOOG 




/■ 




//f 






(rl 




06000 
00000 



'^:- 









I'J.All. 111. .Mj;.\iJ(i/A CDDIOX. 



^ " o 
ooooo 

ooooo I, 



B-> 



!;f^i; 



r/ 



^K 






\ 






-''Co 
ooooo 
o o o oo 




/^ 



" / 






P^.«^i^ 









#y 









oooo o 

QOOCO \" 



■Q r 










^ 






.21_,5 



// 



izj <jr"V- 




ri. 



I'lA 1 !■: I\ . ,\li:Ni)t>/,A CuDCX. 




'.. ^ 



? ^ 



.-.->' 



-n- 







s'/ 5^^, ,E^ ;''i"3^, v 



7 T" 



J>'-- 



ooooo 
ooooo 

ooooo 




I'l.A'l'i; W .Mi;.\l)U/.A CODL.V. 



n)ii 



Ancient Mexican. Manuscripts. 



87 



and leaves.^ In each case the couventionahzation aiid 
symbolism are mai'ked. 

This developmoit of writing from rcahstic pictures 
to those of a symbohc or conventionalized nature lias 




Figure 2. 






its paralkil in a development of ornamental art!'' That 
tlie reverse process from certain more or less geometi'ic 
forms to those of a realistic charactei' may sometimes 
be present in primitive art sliould also be noted. 



^For other designs expressing speeth and sontr, see Orozco y Berra, 1880, Vol. 
I, p. 479 and PI. VII, Figs. 321-340. 

"Professor Piiliuiiu ( ISS7) wus tlie first to point tliis oul in CLiimcclion wiili .\iueri- 
can art. See also I, is p.-iper on " Syinbolisni in ancient Amuiiiau art" U80ti). 



:;» 



88 Ammcan Antiquarian Socichj. [April, 

The "idcofi;rai)hic" slruiic iu wi-itinti; is roarhi'd when 
suggestions take the phice of representation. The uh-a 
rather than the pictui'e is the inij^ortant factor. The 
Spanish priests reahzed very early the great ability 
possessed by the natives of Mexico to read l>y means 
of pictures. They took advantage of this in scv(}ral 
ways in order to disseminate the teachings of the Roman 
religion. Tlie entire catechism was shown by means 
of pictures. No question of sound ent(3red into tliis 
sort of picture-writing. These pictures were painted 
upon great cloths and hung up before tlie people. A 
page taken from Velades/^ a Latin account of tlie 
activities of the priestliood, dated 1579 (PI. VI), shows 
some of the ways taken by the i)riests to introduce tlie 
new religion into Mexico. At the top of the i)age at 
the right and left, a priest is to be noted pointing out to 
a number of natives various signs on a hanging chart. 
Tliese express in pictures the different pai'ts of the cate- 
chism of the Church. Torqumada (1728)" and other 
early writers describe these charts or "lienzos." 

I know of none of these cliarts still in existence but 
there are several manuscripts which contain the same 
class of pictures. Leon (1900) illustrates and dosciibes 
this kind of document. The Peabody Museum has 
a manuscript which is slightly more elaboi'ate in its 
figures than that pictured by Leon, but in all essential 
particulars they are identical. Both may be considered 
copies of earlier charts. PI. VII .shows two pages from 
that belonging to the Museum. Tlie Apostles' Creed 
is pictured and it may easily be read. The writing, 



'" Velculob, 1570, Chap. XXN'III, yives a [uetorial ulijliabet ul.iili is uf no iiupur- 
tancc, Vulentine, ISSO, p. 74, gives a reproduction of it. 

''Book XV, Chap. XXV, "Tuvieron estos Benitos I'adies, uii inodu de Prediuar, 
no menos trabajuso, que artificioso, y niui proveflioao, i)aia estos Indios, por ser eon- 
forme al uso, que ellos tenian, de tratar toilas las eosas por Pinluras, y era desta 
maiiera. Haeian Pintar en un Liengo, los Articulos de la Ft, y en otro, los diez 
Mandaniientos de Dius, y en otro, lea siete Sacranientos, y li) deni.'ls que querian, 
de la Doetrina Christiana; y quando el Predicador, queria Predicar de los Manchi- 
raientos colgavan junto, dedondese ponia Ji Predicar el Liengo de los MandaniieiUo.H 
ea dislaucia que podia, con una Vara seiialar la parte del Lieni;o, iiue qiieria. . , ." 
For further references to this custom, see Leon, 1900. 



rj 



1 1 



i ! 



f 

Hi': 

Ml 






S\ /^V Di.CvN I M\l ,-flA fliX 



CI > \T 10 MVNDl /\ 
I 










. , fll''"'" *-M>IT/t f^OM.^^H ..tl.Lts-lC UlOVO INDMI'VM Oiul F(,HT*T01'LJ 







J'i.A'I'K \f. A I'ACi; KUCiAl \'IiJ,Al.)i:s,' l,-,7!l. 



I 









,'l!^'i:!'i^ 







u^y\''^"'"'. 



M 



rl' f 



|/ 



"Wip^^ 







'Am 






:i 



i^M\ t. JUS" V ' ' ^*"'^"^-^;^ 
















**s'«iL, 









\,\h 






.* J 



1911.] Ancient Mexican Manuscri])ts. 89 



f I like that of early Greek inscriptions, is bovistrophcdon, 

:■ I • the first line to be read from left to right, the second 

11 ' from right to left and thus alternating to the end. 

[i The representation of the "(l(^scent to liell" as a 

!■ ■; ladder and the open jaws of a monster, the "forgivc- 

h j ' ness of sins" by a dotted line running from the palm 

|: ; of the liand of the confessor to the head of (he kneehiig 

\A hgure, and "life everlasting" by i)arallel lines are only 

j;- 1' some of the interesting ways in which tlie ideas are 

r I expressed. These pictures arc essentially modern'^ 

1 1 and yet in the signs for heaven and eartli, for speech, 

I I and in several other features the native influence is 
tl, clearly to be noted in tlie drawings. I know of n(j better 

II example of an "ideogj-aph." 

l/i ' In all these illustrations we have seen pure "thought 
i| writing,"'^ ideas expressed loy pictures, conventional- 
ly ized pictiu'es, symbols or conventionalized symbols. 
[i ' Up to this time tliere has been no suggestion of tfie name, 
>, , . . or, more exactly, tlie sound of the name. Ideas have 
|. been expressed, but itk^as regardless of the sounds \vhich 
;|' the names would signify. 

The next step to ho illustrated by Mexican examples 

;;!' ■ is where sound comes in for the hrst time as a factor. 

[?!• It is not the object now tliat is the desired thing but 

|i ' ; tlie name of the (jbject. This marks an intermediate 

'§ stage between picture-writing on the one hand and 

|> ■■ phonetic-writing on the other. It employs the well- 

I known principle of the rebus. It is tliis step whi(^h is 

f illustrated with special clearness in the Nahua manu- 

I scripts, perhaps better than in tlie writing of any other 

(people. 
Much has been written in various places on tins phase 
of the writing of the Mexicans. The phojietic character 

• of the greater part of tlie various pictures has been 

f ' ■ ., f~" 

'-Leon, 1900, dates his innriu&uript about the year 1771. 'Hie Peabody MS. was 
evidently u.^^ed by one of lis ownera a.s an account book. There ia an i-utry made in 
17'J1 and another which reads: "En L'l) dias del nies de Juiiio, deltSlll, pago Juan 
Martin. " 

'^Seler, 1888, uses the term "OcJankcnrrljiis" for this kind of writing. 



90 



A nuricdii Antiquarian Socicly. 



[April, 



known for .some time.'"' Brinton (18SG and 1S80, a) 
has discussed this method of writing and gives it tlie 
term "ikonomatic," the "name of the figure or image," 
referring to the sound of the name rather than to any 
objective significance as a picture. Phonetic-picture- 
writing is perhaps a term more easily understood. 

The simplest names are those compounded of two 
nouns expressed directly by two pictures: — 

Cal-tepcc, the house on the mountain (Fig. 3), 
Cat from calli, house, 
Tepee Irom IcpeLl, mountain. 




Figuhe 3. 



FinuHE 4 



l''iuui(U 5. 



A-tepec, the water on the mountain (Fig. 4), 
A from ail, water, 
Tepee irom tepell, mountain. 
Coa-tepec, the mountain of tlie serpent (Fig. 5), 
Coa from coatl, serpent, 
Tepee from tepcti, mountain. 
The verbal idea is expressed as one of the factors in 
some of the proper names, giving a compound of a verb 
and a noun, both ideas being expressed by pictures: — 
Toll-man, the j)lace where the rushes are cut (Fig. G), 
Tali from toUin, rushes, 

Ma, the root of the veib meaning "to take some- 
thing with the hand. " 



^••Penafiel. 1885, Kivea an allaa of the place-names found in the tribute lists in the 
Codex Mendocino. 



'Ifc. 



i<)n.] 



Ancient Mexican Manuscripts 



01 



There ai'e various ways of expressing the same coivi- 
bination of sounds. The syllable pan may be sliO\sii 
in three dilferent ways, as follows: — 





FlUUHli Ij. 



FiCLIlE 7. 



1, by the picture of a flag, pantli (Fig. 7) : — 
Cliirnal-pan, the shield of the flag, 

CJiimal, from chi/naUi, a shield, 
Pan from pantli, a flag. 

2, by means of the representation of a river or canal, 

apantli (Fig. 8) : — 
Coapan, the river of the serpent, 
Coa from coatl, serpent, 
Pan from apantli, a river or canal. 




FiGOllE 8. 



FiGunii 9. 



3, by means of position, tlic syllable pant meaning 
"over" or "in" (Fig. 9):— 
Itz-mi-quil-pan, The obsidian knife over the verdure 
of the cultivated-field, 
Itz, from ilztli, obsidian knife, , 



92 A'lncrican Antiquarian Society. [April, 

Mi from milli, a cultivated field, 
Quil from quilitl, verdure, 
Pan from pa/ii, over. 
The color of the picture also has a phonetic signiH- 
eance in some cases as (Fig. 10) : — 

A-co-coz-pan, tlie canal of the very yellow water, 
A from all, water, 

Co-coz, the intensified form from coztic, yellow,'^ 

Pan from a pan, river or canal. 

In all these examples the meaning of the picture is 

conveyed at the same time as the sound. ^'' Tlie name 

is not made up of signs used simply for their phonetic 

value alone but the meaning is expj'cssed l>y the signs 





Figure lU. ' ' ' . Figdue 11. 

as well. The town of the "very yellow water" und(jubt- 
edly derived its name from the fact tliat it was situated 
on the bank of a muddy stream. We note the river 
and the yellow water in tlie original drawing as well as 
the sides of the stream. 

The true ]ilionetic stage is not reached until signs 
are used without regard to their meaning as pictures 
but simply for their phonetic value. In all the examples 
of place-names given the different syllal;les of the term 
have been expressed directly by pictures of objects or 
acts, by position, or by color. Some otlier method has 
to be emplo3fed when one desires to l)ring out a meaning 



'*In tlie original inmuiiicripts the wuler is colored yellow. 

"■Another interestiiif; (levelopiiieat of the use of a sign where the essential feature 
is its name rather than its siguilieance as a picture is seen in the character for the day 
Ollin (Fig. 11). The word means "rolling motion " and is used not only to designate 
thi3 day in the series of twenty days but is found again and again in the liistorical 
recorils to indicate the occurrence of an earthciualce. 



1 



' (; 



1911.] 



Ancient Mexican Manuscripls. 



03 



where it is not possil)le to translate the idea directly 
by a picture or by any of the other means wo have noted. 
The town Tollan, "the place of the 
rushes," is easily represented by a 
picture of a cluster of I'ceds, tollin. 
Sup[)osing, however, a town called 
TdUitlan, meaning "near Tollan" was 
the one to be written. Tiiis would 
be more dillieult to express in ])icture 
form. The use of the homophone 
comes in here, words of a, similar 




FlGUllE 12. 



sound but with different meanings. 



The woi'd tctlan means "near some- 
thing" and the second syllable, tian, is also found in 
tlanili, meaning "teeth." Thus if 
the picture of some teeth (Fig. 12) 
is shown, the sound tIan would be 
expressed suggesting in this case the 
meaning, not of teeth, but of near- 
ness. 

There is another word for "near" 
or "near by," nauac. A place named 
Quauhnauac has the meaning, "in or 
near the forest." Quauh is the root 
of the word quauiil, tree. The termi- 
nation nauac is supplied by the sign 
of "clear speech" (Fig. 13) wliich is a 
second meaning of nauac. A variant 

of this place-name is shown in 
the Aubin manuscri])t (Fig. 14). 
Here there is an animal head 
with tlie leaves of tlie tree shown 
on to]). Speech is represented 
as in the preceding form. 

An interesting class of dimin- 
utives is formed in the same 
way by the use of the homo- 
phone zinco as in Tollanzinco, meaning "Little Tollan." 
The use of determinatives is not found to express the 




Figure 13. 




]'"lUUHE 14. 



94 American AnlUinarian Socicly. [Apiil, 

special meaning of the word which is to be used as is 
the case in the Egy])tian writing of the same cUiss. 

We find in the place-names we have been considering 
the beginning of a syhabary, certain characters always 
used for certain combinations of sounds. Tiie^e sigu- 
not only express single syllables but in a few cases, 
as in tepee and naiuic, doul)le syllables, and, a from «//, 
single soimds. 

The adoption of certain definite signs to express cer- 
tain combinations of sounds is a step far in advance 
of the stage of pare picture-writing and it is well on its 
way toward the adoption of an alphabet wliere the signs 
no longer express combinations of sounds but single 
sounds. It might be possible to go a step farther in the 
case of the Mexican writing and say that the Nahuas 
had reached, to a shght degree, this final stage in their 
writing. We have seen how an a sound in the place- 
names is always expressed in their writing by the sign 
for water, atl. So other signs which formerly stood 
for entire syllables seem in some cases to have been used 
to express the initial sound of the syllable. The sign 
of a flag, 'parUli, came in time to be used for the initial 
sound p, the sign for ell, bean, was worn down to express 
the initial e sound, and the sign otli, for road, to be used 
for an o sound. I am inclined to think, however, that 
the Nahuas in pre-Columbian times did not realize 
the importance of the step which they were about to 
take, the use of signs for single sounds, an alphabet. 
In tlie few cases where tliis seems to be found we liave 
the idea of a syllabary rather than an alpliabet as the 
il of atl, etl, and otli, is a nominal ending and the word 
in composition can stand without this suliix. The 
signs for a, e, and o are really signs for syllables composed 
of single sounds rather than for single letters as distin- 
guished from syllables. 

The Nahuas in the pre-Columbian period did not 
develop the syllabary to the point shown in later times. 
There are no early texts in the true sense of the word 
written in tlie Nahua characters. Tlie Spaniai-ds were 



191 



Ancient Mexican Ahniu.scripls 



1)5 



the ones to realize the impoi-tance of the .syllal)ai'y aixl 
it is undoubtedly owing to their infUience tiiat certain 
signs are found used in later manuscripts to express 
certain syllal)les absolutely for their plionetic value 
and entirely divorced from the signification of tlie signs 
as pictiu'es. Moreover, the Spaniards seem to liave 
used to some extent at least the signs of the Nahuas 
to express single sounds. 

We have already seen the work of the 8])anish priests 
in their endeavor to teach the natives the creed of tlie 
Koman Cliurch. In the former example (p. 88) the 
ideas are expressed quite ai)arl iVom the sounds of the 
words. The pictures could bi; undersLcjod cpiite as well 
by one people as by another. The missionaries were 



O 




m^ 



FmUHE 15. 



not content with this. They desired the Nahuas to 
learn the actual sounds of tfie words of the catechism. 
They took advantage of the ability of the natives to 
read in signs denoting s^dlables. The priests selected 
native words which liad the same initial sounds as the 
Latin or Spanish words wliich they wished the Nahuas 
to commit to memory. Tlie signs for these native words 
were then written in the native manner. The Lorel's 
Prayer is usually given as an example of this kind of 
writing. ^^ A flag (Fig. 15) pantli suggests pa. 



"Toniueinuda, ITS.i. Jk)ok XV, Cliap. XXXVl, vvritt-a, "Kl V.jcuI-Io, cnie pII.w 
tieiieu, y ciuo muH lira i\ In in-oniiiiciacioii <lu I'atcr, ea I'aiitli, mn- sitrnilicu una cuiiiij 
liandcriia, con que cueutun el iiuineio de vointe; pues para atundarse del Vocablo 
Pater, pollen aciucUa Bandeiita, que sigiiilif-a Pantli, y en ella dicen Paler. Para la 
segunda, que dice NosUt, el Voeablo, ciue ellos tienen mas pareeidi) i\ esta pronuu- 
ciaeion, es Nuchtli, (jue es el Nundire de la (|ue Iom nuestros llaniaii 'I'una, y en Espana 
Pligo de las Indias; pues para acordaise del Vocablo Ntister, pintan conseculivaniente 
tras de la Handerita, una Tuna, que ellos Hainan Nochtli; y de eata manera vin prosi- 
guiendo, liasta acabar su Oracion; y pur semejante manera hallavan otros seniejan- 
tes Carect6res, y modes, por donde ellos se entendian, para haccr Meinoria ile lo que 
avian ile tomar de Coro, y lo misiiio usavau alsuiKiS, que no confiavaii de su Meinoria 
en las L'cjntesiones, para aeordarse de sus Pecad(js, Ik-vandolos pintados eon sus 



9G American Anlkjuarian Sociclij. [Ain-Jl, 

A picture of a stone, icily highly conventioiuihzed, 
stood for ier, inakiiig Pater. A prickly peui', vochl/i, 
the fig of the castas opatUia, was used for ncMlling the 
syllable nos and another stone, tctl, the tcr, making 
noster. In the same way, (Fig. Hi) water, atl, sUxjd 
for an a sound and ayave, metl, for nicn making amen. 

Tiie attemi)t made by Bishop Diego dc. Landa-^^ to 
furnish an alphabet for the interpretation of the Maya 
hieroglyphics, as shown by Valentini (1880), is a "S]jan- 
ish fabrication" and entirely unworkable when applied 
to the decipherment of the hieroglyphic writing. The 
"alphabet" illustrates exactly the same method as 
that just pointed out. Here Landa cliose a native 
word beginning with the initial sound he desired to 



^_2X;^ 




FiauriE 10. 

write. A picture or symbol was then drawn to represent 
this word and this came to stand for the initial sound of 
the word. The picture of a man's footprint stood for 
one of the sounds for h, the Maya word for road being 
he. 

The hieroglyphic writing of the Mayas, liowever, 
does not serve as well as that of the Nalmas to illustrate- 
the various steps in the development of writing as a 
whole. There is far less known in regard to the pho- 
netic components of the Maya glyphs. 

Caractfcies (coiiio los que tie iiosotros se eoiitiesaii por eiscrito) que era cosh do vur, 
y para alabar Jv Dioa, las iuvciiciones, que para efecto, ile las cof^as de su salvaciuii 
buscabau, y usabaii. " 

I.as Casas in his Apolo)jetica liistoria de las liidias, a iu:w edilioa of which is avail- 
able (iy09), Chiip. CCXXXV, writes "Y no sablendo leer nue.slra etciitura, escrebir 
toda la doctriiia ellos por sus figuras y caracteres muy iiigciiiosanieiite, poDieiido la 
figura que corresponderd en la vox y sonitlo & nucstro vocablu; asi conic dii(5seiiios 
airien, poriian pintada una como fuente, y lucgo un maguey, que en su lengua frisaba 
con amen, porque Udmanlo ametl, y asi de todo lo demas; yo lie visto rnuneha parte 
de la doctrina cristiana escripta por sus figuras e iindgines que la Icinn por ellas eomo 
yo la leia por nuestra letra en una carta, y esto no es artificio de ingenio poco 
admirable." 

l'*Ste Landa, 1S64, p. :i20. ' ' . 



ir 



1911.] Ancient Mexican Manuscripts. 1)7 

In view ol' 11 le hi^^lier development of the calendar 

sy.steni found anionji; the Maya.s, we might naturally 

presuppose a corres])onding higher development of 

the art of writing and yet Forstemann (1880, p. 2), 

Schellhas (188(5, p. 77), lirinton (188G, a) and Selcr 

(1888) all seem io agree that tlie Maya hieroglyphics 

I are essentially ideographic with a luunber of constant 

I phonetic elements which are used only to a comparative- 

j ly sliglit extent. (Jj) to the present time a coi-respond- 

I ing devehjiMuent among the Mayas of the rel;)us-form 

I of writing of the Mexicans has not been found. Various 

elaborate attempts to read tlie Maya hieroglyphics 

I phonetically have met with failure. Mr. Bowditch 

I (1910, pp. 254-255) sums up tlie whole ciuestion wlic.n 

I he writes, "While I subscribe in general to fh(;se words 

I • (that the writing is chiefly ideograj)hit-) of the eminent 

I Americanist (Dr. J3iiiiton), 1 do not think that the Aztec 

|. i)icture writing is on the same plane as that of the Mayas. 

I As far as I am aware, tlie use of this kind of writing was 

I ■ confined, among tlie Aztecs, to the names of persons 

I and places, while the Mayas, if they used the rebus 

form at all, used it also for exjji-essing common nouns 

and possibly abstract ideas. The Mayas surely used 

picture writing and the ideographic system, but I feel 

confident that a large part of their hieroglyi)hs will 

I be found to be made up of rebus forms and tliat the tiue 

line of research will be found to lie in this direction. 

If this is a cori-ect view of the case, it is very important, 

indispensable indeed, that the student of the Maya 

liieroglyphs should become a thorougli Maya linguist, 

I am also of the opinion that the consonantal sound of 

a syllable was of far greater importance than the vowel 

sound, so that a form could be used to represent a 

syllable, even if the vowel and consonant sounds were 

reversed." A further discussion of the hieroglyphic 

writing of the Mayas would lead us too far away from 

our subject. 

I have not attempted to elucidate any new problems 
or to add to the knowledge of the writing of the Mexi- 






98 Ainerictiu Anliqiuti-ian Socictij. [Aiiril, 

cans, but to co-ordiiuite and systematize the varions 
forms and employ them as examples of the general 
development <jf writing. There is found in Mexico, 
perhaps to a greater degi'ee tlian in any other one ])lace 
in the world, examples of all tlie different kinds (jf writ- 
ing, as we have seen, starting with a preliminary stage 
of reminders and passing to pui'e pictures which are 
used simply in their objective sense as pictures, thence 
to the more or less conventionalized and symbolic 
pictures or ideographs and finally to chai'acters express- 
ing sounds as Avell as ideas, and the beginning of a syl- 
labary, the first step in the development of a phonetic 
writing, and a stejj beyond wliich the Nahuas did nut 
go. Tlie Spanisli priests made the last advance toward 
the goal, the formation of an alphabet, by selecting 
a few syllabic characters which they used to express 
the initial sounds. The fii'st credit belongs, however, 
to the ancient Nahuas who arrived, quite inde]:)endently, 
at the idea of the possibility of a phonetic writing, and 
it is not difficult to imagine a furtlier development 
into a true alphabet had they been left to develop their 
culture in their own way. 



1911.] Ancient Mexican Manuscripts. 99 



(5 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

BoTuiuNi Bknaduoi, Louenzo. 

1746, Idea de una riueva liiatoria general de la America 
Septentrional ; Madrid. 

BowDiTCH, Charles P. 

1910, The numeration, calendar systems and astronomical 
knowledge of the Mayas; Cambridge. 

Brinton, J)aniel G. 

1886, The phonetic elements in the graphic systems of the 

Mayas and Mexicans; in American Aidiquurian, Vol. Vlll, 

pp. 347-357, also in Essaijs of an Aincricanist, pp. 195-212. 

1886, a, The Ikonomatic method of phonetic writing; in 

• Proceedings of the American Phitosoplricat Society, Vol. 

j XXIII, No. 123, pp. 503-514, also in Essays of an Ameri- 

j canist, pp. 213-220. 

i Clodd, Edward. 

1007, The Story of the alphabet; New York. 

FORSTEMANN, ErNST. 

! 1S86, Erliiuterung zur Mayahandschrift der KonigliL-hen 

olfentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden; Dresden. 

( KiNGSuoRouGii, Lord (Kino, Edward) 

j^ ■ 1831-1848, Antiquities of Mexico; London, folio, 9 vols. 

' Landa, Diego de. 

i 1864, Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan; Spanish text with 

• j French translation, published by Bra.sscur de Bourboui'g 

I in Paris. IVo Spanish editions of this important work 

have also been published. 

[ Las Casas, Bartolome de. 

i 1900, Apologetica Historia de las Indias. (A new and 

■ ' ■ complete edition). Published in Nueva Biblioteca dv 

Autores Espanoles, Vol. XIII; Historiadores de Indias, 
I Vol.1. (M. Serrano y Sanz, Editor); Madrid. 

Leu MANN, Walter. 
4 ■ 1905, Les peintures Mixteco-Zapotecjue et quelques docu- 

I ments apparentes; in Journat dc la S(K-icie des American- 

■I . istes de Paris, (n.s.) Vol. 11, No. 2. 






100 Aincrican Anlujtiarian Sociclij. [April, 

Lkji']al, Leon. 

1902, Les antiquites Mexicaine.s; published hy 1m Sociclc 
dcs Eludes llisloriciiics, Paiis. 

Lkon, Nicolas. 

I'JIH), A Mazaliiia catechism in Testera-Amerind hicro- 
gh'phics; in American Anthrupuloijid, (n. s.) Vol. II, pp. 
7-J2-740. 

LUMIIOLTZ, CAIiL. 

19U2, Unknown Mexico; 2 vols, New York. 

Mallkiiy, Gaurick. 

1SSS-1S89, Picture-writing of the American Indians; in 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 10th. Keport, pp. 3-8U7, 
Washington. 

Maudslay, Alfred P. 

1895-1902, Jiiologia Centrali-Amcricana. Archa^olog}'; 4 
vols, text, 4 vols, plates, London. 

0]{Ozc'O Y Berua, Manuel. 

1880, Historia antigua y ile la conquista de Mexico; 4 vols., 
Mexico. 

Penafiel, Antonio. 

1885, Nombres geogralicos de Mexico. Catalogo alfalx-tico 
de los nombres de lugar pertenecientes al Idionia "Nahu- 
atl," Mexicu. 

Putnam, Fricderik W. 

1887, Conventionalism in ancient Ameiican art: in Bulletin 
of the Essex Institute, Vol. XVIIJ, pp. 155-107. ' 

Putnam, Freoerik W. and Willoughby, C. C. 

1896, Symbolism in ancient American art; in Proceedings 
of American Association for the Adoancetnent of Science, 
Vol. XLIV. 

Saville, Marshall H. ' 

1901, Mexican codices, a list of recent publications; in 
American Anthrojioloijist, (n. a.), Vol. Ill, pp. 532-541. 

8criELLiiAS, Paul. 

188G, Die Maya-Ilandschiift der Koniglichen Bibliothek in 
Dresden; in Zeitschrift filr Ethnologic, Vol. XVI II, pp. 12-84. 

Seleu, Edward. 

1888, Der Charakter der aztekischen und der Maya-Iland- 
schriften; in Zeitschrift fi<r EtJrnologie, Vol. XX, pp. 1-10, 
also in his Colleetul Works, Vol. 1, pp. 407-410. 

1893, Die mexikanischen Pilderhandschriflen Alexander von 
Humboldt's in der Koniglichen Bibliuthek zu Berlin, 



■1 



1911.] Ancient Mexican Manuscripts. 101 

also ill his Collected Works, Vol. 1, pp. 162-;i00 aiul an 
Englisli traii.slatioi) in Burctiu of Ainericau Ethnuluqy, 
Buttetiii 2S, (]9U4), pp. 1137-220. 
1898, Quctzalcouatl-Kukulcati in Yucatan; in Zeilschrijt 
fiir Ethnoloijlc, Vol. XXX, pp. ;j77-41U, also in his C'ul- 
}^ Icded Works, Vol. I, pp. 008-705. 

ToiiQuioMADA, Juan uk. 

1723, XXI libros rituales i Monan.iuia Indiana, con el origen 
y guerras de los Indios Occidentales, do ,sus poblaciones, 
descubrimiento, conquista, conversion y otras cosa.s 
maravillosas de la mesnia tieira; Madrid, 3 vols. (The 
first edition was in 1013.) 

Valentin:, P. J. J. 

1880, The Landa alphabet, a Sj^anish fabrication; in Pru- 

ccedi)i(js of iJie American Antiquarian Society, No. 75, 
]>p. 59-91. Worcester. 

Velauks, Dii'X'iO. 

1579, iihetorica Christiana ad concionandi et oraudi usuni 

accomodata, utriusque facultatis exeuiplis sus 1oc<j in- 

i sertis; quae quidem, ex Indorum niaxinie depronipta 

:■' ' ' sunt, historiis, made praeter doctrinaui suniuia quoque 

'i delectatio coniparabitur; Perugia. 



■I 

TO 



t4, 
f 






'J 



THE HULL-EATON CORRESPONDENCE 



n DURING 



The Expedition Against Tkipoli 

1804-1805 



I', 

I . : ■ , ; ..^ , 

[ EDITED FROM A LETTER BOOK 

I IN THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY 

i BY CHARLES HENRY LINCOLN 



; . 1011.] The Hull-Eaton Correspondence. p|^^ 105 



PREFATORY NOTE. 



It is of interest to Americans to note that the entrance 
of the United States into world politics dates from an 

t early period in the nation's liistory. Lonti; befoi'e Ad- 

miral Dewey sailed into Manila harbor the United States 
j had led the way in settling one of tlie most vexatious 

I and instating profjlenis wliich the connncrcial world 

1 had to face — the treatment to be accorded tlic corsairs 

f of North Africa who levied tril)ute on tlie trade of all 

I nations. 

I For years Tunis, Tri])oli, Algiers and Morocco on 

I ■ . the southern shore of the Alediterranean St;a had con- 

1 sidered that the wcjrld owed them a living and had seized 

I cargoes and crews from sliips of all nationalities in their 

effort to obtain payment of this debt. Busied with war 
I and commercial competition among themselves, the 

I powers of Ein-ope including Italy, Spain, Holland, 

( France and England herself — so-called misti'ess of the 

ft sea — had submitted to this marauding ov had paid 

I fixed tribute that their own vessels might be allowed to 

I . go on legitimate errands in ])eace. Strange as it appears 

ji to us of the twentieth century, not until the new-comer 

\ among the nations of the world took the matter in liand 

I was a stop put to the systematized robbery which in- 

I vested one of the great higliways of commerce with 

tlie Orient. 
I In 1797 WiUiam Eaton was appointed United States 

I consul to Tunis and in March, 1799, he ]-eacli(;d the 

r capital of tliat nation. For scjveral years he was engaged 

I in an almost constant series of disputes and altercations 

' with the Bey regarding the manner in which American 

vessels should be treated, and by his tact and resolution 



lOG American Anliqiiarian Suckti/. lApril, 

did much to alleviate the burden phiced on United 
States commerce. Later, as Naval Agent to tlie liar- 
bar3'- States and supported by an American fleet, Eaton 
took advantage of the revolution in Tripoli in 1804 to 
force upon the ruler of that coimtry a peace which gave 
American trade a security such as was granted no other 
shipping. Although this peace was negotiated by 
Tobias Lear, the credit of the achievement belonged in 
large part to Eaton and the naval force supporting 
him, for Lear, in his negotiations, but weakened the 
terms the United States miglit have obtained. As 
throwing some light on the situation in lSO-1 and LS05 
the following letters passing between Eaton and Isa;ic 
LIull are presented. They are contained in a letter 
book in the manuscript collections of this Society and 
were given in 1832 by Lt. George S. Blake of the 
U. S. Navy. The letters date from Dec. 2, 1804, to 
Feb. 13, 1805, and almost immediately precede the 
treaty made with Ilamet at Alexandria. They are but 
a small part of the correspondence relating to the Tri- 
politan war yet they illustrate the American position 
in North Africa admirably. Two letters of Eaton 
relating to his preparation of a history of the war are 
added to the calendar and eight of the more important 
letters are printed in full that a more comprehensive 
survey of the situation may be presented. 

Charles Henry Lincoln. 



1911. 



The HuU-Ealon Correspondence. 



107 



TPIE liULL-EATON LETTERS. 



1804. Eaton, William. Rosetta, [Egypt.] Letter to 
Dec. 2. Isaac Hull. Arrival at Aboukir and view of 
battle-field; entered the Nile, Dec. 1; recep- 
tion by the British officials; is about to go to 
Cairo but will retui'u to Rosetta in ten days; 
hopes Hull will come to see hhn as he needs 
latter's advice; suggestions to Hull as to 
provisions available and men to be trusted. 
Contemporary Copy, 2pp. 

1804. Eaton, William. Grand Cairo. Letter to 
Dee. 10. [Isaac] Hull. Reached Cairo Dec. 10; Hamet 
with the Mamelukes but writer expects to 
obtain him; will wait ten days for advice 
from Hamet before descending 1;he river to 
Rosetta; desires Hull to make provision for 
payment of money for which lie is oljliged 
to draw upon Briggs Brothers. Cont. Copy 
2pp. 

1804. Hull, Isaac. Rosetta. Letter to William 
Dec. 16. Eaton. Acknowledges lettei- of Dec. 10; will 
attend to business therein mentioned; for 
particulars of passage and recent occurrences 
refers him to John Henry Sieorac; leaves for 
Alexandria by first fair wind; remembrances 
to [Presley N.] O'Bannon from all his ship- 
mates. Cont. Copy, Ip. 

Lieut. O'Bannon had been detached lo lead the American 
■ ■ . land forces in the expedition. 

1804. Eaton, William. Grand Cairo. Letter to 
Dec. 17. [Isaac] Hull. Has obtained i)ermissioii from 



108 ' American Aidiquarian Soc'niij. ■ [A|)ril, 

Freucli vicx-roy that Ilanict and suite may 
pass through Egypt and embark at any port; 
financial matters; can not meet Hull at 
Rosetta for ten days. Cont. Co})y, Ip. 

[1804.] Eaton, William. Grand Cairo. Letter to 
Dec. 19. [Isaiic] Hull. Encloses letters for Navy De- 
partment; refers Hull to 8ir Alexander Ball 
for inforn\ation as to recent events; important 
men in suite of Hamet; money raised and 
arrangements made; "if Covernment should 
reprove — we will reimburse them from the 
spoils of Bengazi"; thinks they could take 
200-500 men from Egypt. Cont. Copy, 2pp. 

Coiiv is dateii Dec. 19, lb05. Thia letter i.s printed in 
full on p. ll'J. 

1804. Hull, Isaac. U. S. Brig Argus, Alexandria- 
Dec. 27. Letter to William Eaton. Acknowledges let- 
ters of Dec. 17 and 19; has no means of raising 
$4000, the amount desired by Eaton; wishes 
■ ' ' to see Eaton to make an-angements for passen- 
' • gers latter will have with him as Argus can 

not carry so many; wishes men of ship back. 
Contemporary Copy. 2pp. 

Thia letter i)rinte(i ia in full on [). 120. 

1804. Eaton. William. Grand Cairo. Letter to 

Dec. 29. Isaac Hull. Is not at ease in intdving so 

long a stay in a condition of uncertainty and 

has no doubt Hull feels the same; has heard 

nothing from Hamet Bas^liaw although special 

couriers have been sent; accounts for this 

in various ways and continues to think 

Dec. 30. expedition will be a success. Disgraceful 

behavior of young American officers fighting 

duels, etc.; formal complaint against some. 

Dec. 31. Forwards packet for Secretary of Navy: 

inquires as to sale for a sword and carriage. 

Cont. Copy, 3pp. 



1911.] The liaU-EuLon Correspondence. lU'J 

1805. Eaton, Willifim. Civand Cairo. Letter to 

Jan. 3. [Isaac] Ifiill. Nothing of importance since 

• wi'iter's letters of Dec. 29, 30 and 31; i,s more 

[ , certain tliat Hamet is under restraint by the 

\ Mamelukes; Mamehike party approacliing 

A' Cairo; American situation the same whicii- 

ever pai't}' wins. Cont. Cojjy, Ip. 

I [1805.] Hamet, Bashaw CaramalH. [ ] Letter 
[Jan. 3.] to [WiUiam] Eaton. Remains true to the 

, American side of controversy in Africa; 

I acknowledges letter from Eaton; is about 

I starting for Behera; has written his subjects 

J and officials that they may treat with Eaton; 

I will ratify any conclusions reached; plan of 

A operations proposed; liopes peace and har- 
mony may be re-established. Cont. nis. trans- 

\ lation. 2pp. 

|. Enclosed in Eaton to Isaac Hull Jan. 8, 1805. Printed 

I Anicr. State Papers, Foreign Relations, 2,70o. 



I 1805. Hull, Isaac. U. S. Brig Arijus, Alexandria. 

I Jan. 5. Letter to William Eaton. Acknowledges let- 

I ters by [Lt. llicliard] Earquhar; latter came 

I with [Charles] Goldsborough and party; is 

k anxious to leave and hoped Eaton wotdd have 

k come in person; if no more information is 

f obtainable from Hamet advises that ships 

\ return and report to Commodore [Samuel? 

; . Barron;] advises Eaton not to engage [natives 

! in revolt] with Farquliar at present; is some- 
what suspicious of F[rench] interests. Cont. 

I Copy, 3pp. 

This letter is printed in full on p. 121. 

1805. Eaton, William. Grand Cairo. Letter to 
^. Jan. 8. Isaac Hull. Acknowledges letter of Jan. 5; hopes 

to leave Cairo soon but is to try experiment of 
interview with flamet; [Presley N.] O'Bannon 
goes witli him; considers Hull's plan of return- 



!^^ 



110 Atnericdn Aii[i<juaruin Socuitj. [.Xpril, 

ing; U) Conimodoro, [Barron] a gooil one; is 
impressed with Hull's susiMcioiis of I'jreiu'h]; 
feels it a duty to secure honorable ])eace f(u- 
the United States; the country should pay 
no price for release of prisoners nor any tribute 
for future immunity. Cont. Copy, \p. 

This leLter is priiilecl in full on p. 122. 

1805. Eaton, William. Grand Cairo. Letter to 

Jan. 8. [Isaac] Hull. Received a letter from Hamet 
after posting earlier letter to Hull; encloses 
a copy of same; explains locations and con- 
siders it probable that Hamet will reach 
Alexandria before the writer; feels success 
of exi)edition is assured; various forces on 
which reliance can be phiced; sends passport 
of viceroy to Hamet on moivrovv. Cont. 
Copy, 2pp. 

. See Hamet to Eaton J:in. 3, ISIJ5. Eaton's letter is 
. . printed; American State I'aperd, Foreign Relations, 2,703. 

1805. Eaton, William. Grand Cairo. Letter to 

Jan. 9. [Isaac ]Hull. Conditions at present as com- 
pared with those set forth in letter of Jan. 8; 
opportunity for Hull to win glory; needs one 
thousand to fil'teen hundred dollars which 
■ he expects to obtain frcjm [Samuel?] Briggs 
and repay by drafts on Leghorn, Naples or 
. the Navy Department; must mtike presents 
before leaving Cairo. P. S. Fiu'ther con- 
ferences with deposed princes; aid expected 
by Tripoli from Tunis; forces have left Tunis 
but writer doubts if they are aids to Tripoli. 
' Cont. Copy. 2pp. 

1805. Hull, Isaac. Alexandria. Letter to William 

Jan. 11. Eaton. Acknowledges letter of Sth; hoi)es 

Eaton will secure an interview with [Hamet] 

and gtiin information; sends this letter that 

Eaton (1) may not forget to forward to writer 



1911.] The llidl-Enloii Correspondence. Ill 

receipts and vouchers for money advanced 
nor (2) to malce arrangements for Far(}uhar 
and if possible disengage him from the i)arty 
bywhom he is surrounded and (3) togive writer 
another chance to learn if lianiet has been 
heard from; is convinced that Eaton has 
made projier arrangements for the expedi- 
tion planned; expects to leave on Jan. 20. 
Cent. Copy. 2pp. 

1805. Eaton, William. Rosetta. Letter to Isaac 

Jan. 14. Hull. Left Cairo Jan. 13 and leaves for 

Alexandria in evening; hopes to meet Hull 

f Jan. 15; i)resents received from viceroy 

include "a su])erb sabi'e which he intends for 
you worth $200"; "all the gentlemen with me 
received the same compliment." Cont. 
Copy. Ip. 

V 1805. Eaton, William. Rosetta. Letter to Lsaac 

Jan. 15. Hull. Was prevented by unusual storm 
from leaving Rosetta as planned; tide up the 
Nile compels tlieir remaining several days; 
Hamet on march to lower Egypt "accom- 
panied by a host of Arabs"; latter are eager 
to aid Hamet in recoveiy of liis kingdom; 
problem is how to make all forces work to- 
gether for American profit. Cont. Copy, 
Ip. 



• I 



1805. Eaton, William. Demanhour. Letter to 
I Jan. 24. [Isaac] Hull. Movements of friendly and 

opposing forces; conuuunication with Hamet; 
writer is suspected and watched closely; 
many Enghsh spies ; can liave Hamet on 
ground in ten days if desired; requests Hull 
to secure an escort for that leader from the 
governor. Cont. Copy. Ip. 

Demanhour is iu the province of Behera, Egypt. 



112 A/ncrican Auliquarian, Soclely. [April, 

1805. Eaton, William. Demanhour. Letter to 
Jan. 25. [Isaac] Hull. S(!nds messenger with horses 
engaged at Alexandi'ia; Hull's officers remain 
until lie orders otherwise; hopes tliey may 
remain until return of messenger sent to 
Hamet. Cont. Copy. Ip. 

1805. Hull, Isaac. U. S. Brig Argus, Alexandria. 
Jan. 26. Letter to William Eaton. Letter of Jan. 24 
received too late to secure favor from governor 
as reciuested ; may succeed later ; expects Eaton 
to do all in his power to exjjedite departure 
from Alexandria; expects [Hamet] Bashaw 
; to, come when Eaton has arrived; if latter 

can use naval officers tliey may remain; news 
from Derne that a ship hjuded with wheat 
was taken by one of [Yusuf or Joseph Cara- 
malli] Bashaw's vessels to Tripoli. Cont. 
Copy. 2pp. 

1805. Eaton, William. Demanhour. Letter to 

Jan. 27. [Isaac] Hull. Acknowledges letter of Jan. 
26, with enclosures; dealings with native 
chiefs; has been assured that Ilamet will be 
on hand in five or six days, that 800 men are 
ready to march with him and that 20,000 
to 40,000 can be secured if desii'ed; is glad 
■ for Hull's permission to retain [naval] ofhcers 

and will keep him infoiTned of all steps taken. 
Cont. C/opy. 2pp. 

1805. Eaton, William. Demanhour. Letter to 
Jan. 28[?] [Isaac] Hull. Acknowledges letter of Jan. 
20; horses sent to Alexandi'ia; is confirmed 
in opinion that French Commissary regards 
Americans as English spies; Americans there- 
by exposed to infamous death. Cont. Copy. 
Ip. 

1805. Hull, Isaac. U. S. Brig Argus, Alexandria. 
Jan. 29. Letter to William Eaton. Acknowledges let- 



1911. 



The Hull-Eaton Corresporidcncc. 



113 






ters of Jan. 25 and 27; pleased that horses 
have been sent; general alarm caused at 
Alexandria by presence of fleet and news that 
Eaton has raised the American flag; necessity 
of caution as eyes of everyone including the 
Governor are upon them; latter complains 
of flag raising; imprudent for [Hamet] Bashaw 
to appear with troops; directs Eaton to send 
in as many of American party as can be spared 
Cont. Copy. 2pp. 

This letter is printed in full on p. 123. 



I 



1805. 

Jan. 29. 

[30?J 



Eaton, WiUiam. Demanhour. Letter to 
[Isaac] Hull. Acknowledges letter of yester- 
day [Jan. 29?]; considers the alarm referred 
to, and residting from a few Christian recruits, 
as coming from French Commissary; con- 
siders that Hull has acted wisely but writer 
has permission from viceroy to take Chris- 
tians out of coimtry; expects to retain 
most of them with him; although his instruc- 
tions have been surpassed all will end well. 
Cont. Copy. Ip. 



1805. Eaton, William. Demanhour. Letter to 
Jan. 29. [Isaac] Hull. Sends translation of letter 
[30.] from Hamet showing conclusively that latter 

is in alliance with Ameiicans; with Hamet 
and his A]-ab following conquest of Derne and 
Bengazi will be easy and will give honorable 
terminus to expedition; recruits at Alexandria 
will be useful; above news left to Hull's 
discretion to conmmnicate to other Americans. 
Cont. Copy. 2pp. , 

1805. Hull, Isaac. Alexandria. Letter to William 

Jan. 30. Eaton. Acknowledges letter of 28th and two 

of 30th ; pleased to hear from [Hamet] Bashaw; 

will write furtlicr on 31st. Cont. Copy. Ip. 



114 Aineriaui Anliqaarkui Sociclij. [April, 

1805. Eaton, William. Doniianliour. Letter [to 
Jan. 31. Isaac Hull.] A(;knowlcd^es h'lhi- ul Jan. 20; 
Anierican flag "not displayed lici'c, nor has 
a proposition been made to any mortal to 
engage in om- service since we left you"; 
no ordei's given to open enlistment camp at 
Alexandria; indiscretion of [James] Farciuhar; 
expects interview with Hamet Feb. 2, and 
hopes to be with Hull in four days; French 
Consul called writer and companions English 
spies; directs tliat letter be translated to the 
Governor except portion relating to the 
French. Cont. Copy. 2pp. 

This letter ia printed in full on p. 121. 

1805. Hull, Isaac. U. S. Brig Argus, Alexandria. 

Jan. 31. Letter to William Eaton. No occurrence of 
importance since departure of Eaton's mes- 
senger on Jan. 30: secretary of [Hamet] 
Bashaw hourly expected; advises an inter- 
view at some distance from Demanhour if 

Feb. 1. Bashaw has large company with him. Con- 
sultation witli others confirms his opinion 
that many of Bashaw's followers should not 
appear with him; acknowledges letter [of 
Jan. 31] and considers the outlook improved. 
Cont. Copy. 2pp. 

1805. Eaton. William. Demanhour. Letter to 

Feb. 1. Isaac Hull. Arrival of Llamet's prime min- 
ister .and his governor of police at Rosetta; 
■, : , ,. has advised tliem to proceed to Alexandria 
with Hamet and place themselves under 
Hull's protection; hopes latter will see them 
on the morrow. Cont. Copy. Ip. 

1805. Eaton, William. Demanhour. Letter to 

Feb. 2. [Isaac] Hull. Further details as' to time of 

meeting Hamet; expects the Bashaw and 



1911.] The Hull-Eaton Correspondence. 115 

suite to meet Hull on Monday Feb. 4. Cont. 
Copy. Ip. 

Printed: Life of William Eaton; Brooktiuid, 1813. p. 
294. 

1805. Eaton, William. Demanhour. Letter to 

Feb. 4. [Isaac] Hull. Has fuUuwed directions by 
informing Hamet that he must advance with 
no more than eight men; has had interview 
with messenger from Hamet; needs a thou- 
sand dollars and requests Hull to arrange 
matters; warning against sending cash. Cont. 
Copy. 3pp. 

Tliia letter w printed iu full on p. 125. See alrio Life of 
Eaton, p. 294. 

1805. Hull, Isaac. U. S. Brig Argus, Alexandria. 
Feb. 4. Letter to William Eaton. Acknowledges let- 
ter of Feb. 4; Governor will not allow more 
than four persons to accompan}^ Eaton's 
party entering with Hamet and Admiral will 
not raise this number to more than six; has 
collected live hundred dollars to aid in the 
expedition. (11 p. m.) Authorities will not 
allow Hamet to enter Alexandria without 
permission of the viceroy; has desired [Pres- 
ley N.] O'Bannon to give Eaton particulars of 
recent occurences; advises him to continue 
his efforts with viceroy; has concluded not 
to send money lest courier be robbed. Cont. 
Copy. 3pp. 

This letter ia printed in full on p. 127. 

1805. O'Bannon, P[resley] N. Brig ylr^us, [Alexandria.] 
Feb. 7. Letter [to William Eaton]. Letter of date 
from [Isaac] Hull will give furtlier notes as 
to Llamet's affairs and the situation in Alex- 
andria; Admiral and Governor at that place 
defer to opinion of Viceroy of Cairo; refers 
Eaton to Hull's letter; urges him to obtain 
terms from Viceroy. Cont. Copy. 2pp. 



11 G American Anliquarian Sociciy. ■ [April, 

[1805.] Blake, J[oshiia.] Alexaiubia. I^ettcr to [Wil- 
[Feb. 12?] Ham Eaton.] Has seen Guvernor and Admir- 
al and has been given assurance that Hamet 
may come to Rosetta or Alexandiia; coiirier 
despatched to Viceroy to secure orders to 
commanders to tliat effect; intends to see 
Capt. [Isaac] H[ull;] will join Eaton again if 
possible. Cont. Copy. 2pp. 

1805. Eaton, W[illiam]. [Demanhour?] Letter to 
Feb. 13, ]Isaac] Hull. Permissionsecm'ed from Govern- 
or for Hamet Bashaw to enter city [Alex- 
andria] next morning; has sent Hull money 
for Hamet; desires an interview witli Hull and 
[Sanniel] Briggs as to expediency of having 
the Bashaw come into the city. Cont. Copy. 
Ip. 

1807. Eaton, William. Riclimond. [Va.] Letter to 
Aug. 25. Charles Prentiss. Wishes assistance of Pren- 
tiss in preparation of his "History of the 
. Tripolitan War"; thinks of establishing a 
newspaper at Brimfield; asks Pi-entiss his 
terms for assistance in first work and for 
services as editor of proposed paper. A. L. S. 
Ip. 

This letter is reproduced oj)i.)Osite in fac-simile. 

1807. Eaton, William. Richmond. [Va.] Letter to 
Oct. 12. Charles Prentiss. Is to be in Boston much 
of winter; is preparing to oi^'er his [His- 
tory of the] Tripolitan War to the public. 
A. L. S. Ip. 



-^ 



SELECTED LETTERS FROM 
THE HULL-EATON CORRESPONDENCE. 



. ■ //'^ 



i:/''- /y 



...^J //,.; "J^^M^;- 









^S/v-i^^ ^^7 ^ , «^<<^ ^^i' 




/ 









<^^ 



A 



J^-. 



i-f^' ^-^vi^j^.n^ 






'^^^.^i^cL^ .,y ./ - , '// 



.-^.^^^A 



^ 









X^^^-- A^ ^' .i^^ ^,;iC^- (lie. 

A ^ -'^^ y y") 






19 1 J .] The Hull-Eaton Correspondence. 1 19 



SELECTED LETTERS FROM 
THE HULL-EATON CORRESPONDENCE. 



Wiliiain Eaton to Isaac Hvll. 

Sir: GuAND Cairo, Decern', ly''', isOi. 

The letters hei'ewith enclosed I'or the Navy department, and 
Sir Alexander ]3all, will explain everything I have done or no- 
ticed since I saw you, which either you or they have a right 
to be concerned about. 

The interest Major Missett has taken in the success of our 
expedition entitle him to every confidence. 1 have no ob- 
jection but on the contrary a wish, that yuu should shew him 
these communications. He is too contious of the justice of 
the grateful things I have said of him, to suspect me of adula- 
tion. If it were not so, acquaintance would satisfy him tliat 
I dont deal in that article. 

1 have this afternoon discoveied two other important char- 
acters in the suite of Hamet liashaw, I have no doubt that we 
may take three to five hundred men from Egypt. Provision 
must be made for an hundred. I have taken up a thousand 
dollars of ]\r. Marcharl to be reimbursetl to Mess", liriggs 
Brothers and advised you we shall have need of four or five 
thousantl nuue. If Government should reprove our arrange- 
ments we will reimburse them from the spoils of Bengazi, which 
I already calculate upon as ours. Nothing will hinder but 
unforseen disaster. i -mi Sir, with respect, 

faithfully Yours, 
Cap^ Hull. ' William Eaton. 

If occasion offers to forward the letters to Malta and the 
United States before you sail, beg you will put them under 
proper seals and additional covers. 



120 American Antiquarian Society. [April, 

Isaac Hull to Willuuii Eaton. 

United States Brig Argus. 
Sir: Alexandhia, Dec'. 27, 1SU4. 

I have been hunored witli your letters of 17^'' it 19"' Instants. 
the former of wliicli however diti not come to hand till the 2(V'' 
the latter with tlie a.cconi])anyiiig letters came to hand through 
the hands of Major Missett some days jiast. I had previous to 
receiving them placed in the hands of Mess'''*. Biiggs one thou- 
sand dollars to meet your draft on them. You iid'orm me that 
most likely you will want four of five thousand more; if so Clod 
knows where we shall get it unless you have tlie means at Cairo, 
or Uosetta, for 1 know of none here. 1 am anxious to sec you 
that we may make arrangements for the passengers you say you 
shall have with you, for it will be necessary to hire or purchase 
some other vessel to carry them in, as the Argus will not caiiy 
provisions and water for that rrumber for any lengtli of time, 
and I should suppose it would be proper to make those arrange- 
ments before they are promised a passage, for fear we may dis- 
a|)point them after they ariive here. 1 hope on your arrival 
at Hosetta you will send the gentlemen forward as fast as possi- 
ble. The pui'ser is wanted, and tlie other gentlemen had nnicli 
better lie on board than remain at Rosetta for 1 assure you I 
am ashamed of receiving their civilities without any chant^e 
of returning them, they are too good, i left with M''. Patruchi 
for you, a trunk, dressing case, sword, and hat, and for Af. 
Farquhar a cask of wine, which I hope he intends for the Major. 

Our friends I\^ess''■^ Briggs are well, and 1 assure you wc spent 
a very merry Christmas with them drinking success to youj' i)aity 
&c. I pray you will make my respects to the Major and 
family — 

And believe me, to be. 

Your friend & Humb". Seiw''., 
W"'. Eaton, Esq^• I.saac Huli.. 

P. S. I hope to see the party with you and very soon. 



i 



1911.] The IIull-Ealon Correspondence. 121 

h:aac Hull to Williain Eaton. 

Uiiilcd States ISri^ Argu.s, 
Sir: ALhJXANDiUA, Jan^'. 5^'', 1S05. 

1 have been honoicd with your letter by M''. Farquhar, who 
has tliis moiueiit arri\'ed with !\r. (ioldsljoroiigh and the party, 
T inusb confess 1 am very anxious to leave this, and was in hopes 
of liaving the pleasure of seeing you with them, in fact nothing 
])revented my writing to you at ('airo, but tlic probaljility of 
your leaving there before my letters would arrive — 1 am un- 
happy that appearances are so much against our getting any 
information fi'om the Bashaw, as we have been so long here 
and not able to gain the least intelligence from him, I fear that 
something stands in the way that we are not acquainted with, 
and I expect that we will lind I hat to be tlie case. In fact I am 
lead to believe that F[rench] interest is the cause. I shall 
send this by express, and should you not learn any thing further 
by the time you receive it, 1 should suppose it would be either 
])roi>er to abamlon the expedition & get from this as soon as 
possible, or for you to remain here, and the Argus to return with 
such information as you may have for the C'(jmmodore: What 
your prospects of success are ike", which will enable him to 
furnish you with every thing proper for the expedition, or give 
us such assistance as he may think neccssaiy. At all events 
it is time to determine on something soon, for it is impossible 
for us to remain here long, and have a sulhciency of provisions 
to carry us down, and you well know if they were to be piu'chased 
we have not the means -- 

I have paid your draft on Mess"*, l^riggs for (.me thousanti 
dollars, and am indebted to them about that sum for the brig's 
expences since we arrived here, which is tlaily increasing with- 
out any means of paying as yet. Should you be in want of any 
more money, I should supjjose it would be more proper for you 
to draw on the State or Navy Departments, as you may be 
authorized, and to prevent your accounts interfering with the 
brig, as I do not think 1 liave any authority to draw any money 
for any other purposes than paying her disbursements, and no 
doubt you have authority to thaw money for other purposes. 

Should you determine to remain here and go in search of tlie 
Bashaw, it will be well lor you to let uje know as soon as you 



122 American Antiquarian Society. [Ai)iil, 

can, tli;it I may make arrangements accoixlingly, and leave this 
as soon as |)()ssil)le, as it will certainly be improper for me to 
remain hero, while you make the ex])eriment, for niost likely 
I sliall have time to go down and return before you aiiive at 
this place. Your letters have gone by Cap'. Thorn, who saileil 
fron\ hence on the '2<s"' Ult"., and lias since had a fair wind, so 
that most hkely they will soon hear from \is. 

By your letter j'ou do not say that you have absolutely 
engaged those people, tliat came with l\r. k'ai'quhar. If so 
I think it would be well not to do it at present, but to have 
them and as many more as can be found in such a situation 
that they can be collected in a short time without making any 
further promise than tu enqiloy them if you should leave this 
by land, as the}' will be only lumber on board a shiji. 

Should you give up the idea of going in pursuit of our friend, 
and still wish to remain some time longer in this countiy to try 
to hear fiom him [I ask] whether it would not be best to return 
to this place, as you will hear from him neai'ly as soon if ncit 
sooner than at Cairo, and we should both be on the spot to act 
as we might thiid<: best. Add to that so large a party at Cairo 
i'oi- such a length of time will be imposing on the goodness of 
our friends. 

I am sure you will pardon the hints I have given in this 
letter, when you look at the situation we have come here in, the 
many obligations we are obliged to be under to our friends, anil 
the uneasiness it must necessarily give me, and 1 am conhdent 
your own feelings will not allow you to look back upon their 
goodness — 

Please make my compliments to your party and believe me 
Your sincere friend and well wisher, 
WiLLL>\M Eaton Esq''. Isaac Hull. 

Williaiii Eatun to Isaac Hull. 

Sir: (iitAND Cajih), Jan^: 8, 1S05. 

Yours by e.xpress of 5'^ Ins*, came this morning, I had jne- 
viously resolved to leave Cairo Friday. next, but if no direct 
information come from Hamet Bashaw in the mean time, I shall 
put the i)roject of an interview with him u])oii tlic experiment. 



1911.] T}ic. Hull-Eaton Correspondence. 123 

It is certain tliat 10 days ago he was spoken with i/i njiiipaiiy 
with EIsi IJey. Your susj)icions of F[rent'h] interest strike 
impressively; Your plan of returning with communications 
to the Conimodore is certainly judicious. My dispatches in 
detail will go l)y Fridays occasion in conformity to that plan. 
.\r. O'Bainion will enterprize with me the tour of the desert. 
We shall have tlirce dangers to encounter; a danger of rcijjljery 
and assassination by tlie wild Arabs; a danger of falling into the 
hands of the Arnaut Turks and being murdered as enemys; 
and ilanger of being executed as spies by the Mameluke Beys. 
If we surmount these perils we shall liave carried a point and 
gained an object. 

If we fail of success you will do us the justice to believe us 
martyrs to a cause in which we feel the honor and interest of 
our country deeply involved: Release of our prisoners with- 
out ransom, and peace without the disgraceful conditions of 
tiil)ute,- 

I am Sir, very respectfully 

Yours most truly, 
Captain Isaac Hull. William E.vroN. 

Isaac Hull to William Eaton. 

United States Brig Argus, 
Dear Sir: Alexandhia, Jan^. 29"', 1805. 

Your letters of 25th & 27th came safe to hand. I am happy 
that you sent forward the horses, but yet you will see by my 
letter of the 28tli that it is the wisli of the Governor of this 
place, that the party return. 1 have this day been with him to 
tiy to do away his fears, but find that he is as much alarmed 
as ever. He informed me that the Chief of the Village where 
you are had written to the Tiftidor who had lately arrived 
from Constantinople, informing him that you had hoisted the 
American flag at Demanhour, and that we were recruit^, at 
Alexandria, and that our object must be something more than 
getting the Bashaw. In fact there seems to be a general alarm. 
I have as I wrote you discharged the men here, and on our 
visit to the Governor found two of them under examination, 
but got them released immediately, together with the keeper 



12-1 American Antiquarian Society. [April, 

of tlie lunise where M''. Farquhar stayed. He had been put iu 
prison and hi chains, after 1 left the iiouse yesterday, but every 
thing is at present ([uiet, yet I fear something may liaj>i)en to 
prevent their remaining so long. 

You will see by what has hajijjened tliat it is necessary to act 
with great caution, for the eyes of every body ai'e upon us. The 
Governor complains very much of the flags lieing hoisted, as it 
appearetl at once like enlisting men itc. and I must confess he 
had some grounds to found his suspicions ujjon, after the letter 
to the Tiftedor had been sent to him, and what had taken jijace 
thougli unseen by us. 

Should you find the Ba.shaw approaching with a numbi^r of 
men about him, it will cei'tainly be imprudent for him to come 
near under the present circumstances, for fear of alarming the 
people more. It will therefore be necess^'. to send and meet 
him, and fix on some place to see him, if possible at a distance 
to the Westward. In tact take wliat steps you may, I fear 
the peoples ignorance will prevent them from seeing our object. 
I hope you will take the earliest oppertunity to send in such of 
the party as can be spared, and if you want an escort when you 
are ready to come we can apply for one fi'oni this place. I 
think from what has passed to day, it will be proper not to show 
our flag any more, as that seemed to be the grand object with 
the (lovernor. 1 hope in God, you will take such measures as 
will prevent our having any dilhculty with tliis Government, 
and that we shall finally convince them that nothing has been 
done without their knowledge. Pray let me know what steps 
you take as often as may be, and be assured 1 will give you every 

iirformation from liere 

Jn the mean time lielieve me, 

Y^ I-riend and Obed'. Serv'. 
William E.a.ton Esq^ Isaac; Hull. 

William Ealon to Isaac Hull. 

Sir: • ■ ' Demanhouk, Jan". SP'', 1805. 

Yours of 29"' came at 12 O'Clock today. The American 
flag has not been displayed here, nor has a proposition been made 
to any mortal to engage in our service since we left you. We 



1011. 



TJie null-Eaton Correspondence. 



125 



have indeed showed our flag but only in our room, and only by 
way of discrimination. As to recruiting at Alexandria, let the 
Governor be informed that M''. Farquhar never had orders to 
u'pen a Rendezvous there, though I thought it would be violating 
no rights of hospitality to permit him to enquii'e if thei'e were 
any Cliristians without employ there, who would be willing to 
enter our service against the IJashaw of Tripoli to be ready at 
our departure. Had IVf. Farquhar followed my instructions 
we slioukl be spared all tliis dilliculty, but even now suspicion 
will end when truth is known. 

We have but three men with us besides our servants and I 
expect an interview with Hamet Jiashaw day after tomorrow. 
It seems needless to go to the expence and trouble to make tvv'o 
detachments on returning. We shall he with you I hope in 
four days. I have written the Vice Koy concerning our recruit- 
ing, explained to him candidly my object, and have taken on 
myself the intire responsibility of the measure. Indeed I have 
asked his permission to take those people away if necessary. 
I am on good terms with the Ker Cliief, have prepensed to him 
to send back the party, but he says it is unnecessary. He con- 
fessed to me yesterday that the French Consul had occasioned 
all this embroil, and that he had in fact denounced us "British 
Spies." He shall have his hour, be tranquil. Sir, truth is 
almighty, the more we are examined the bettei- for us. 

Yours Respectfully 

William Eaton. 

P. S. Translate tliis to the Governor except what relates 
to the Frenchman — 



WiUiaiii Eaton to laaac Hull. 

Dear Sir: Dj-^manuoui!, Sunday Feb^ 4*^^, 1S05. 

By express of yesterday I stated to you my arrangements 
concerning the two mimisters of Hamet Bashaw at Rosetta. 
Although I have not yet receivctl an answer to my letter from 
this place by the Arab Chief, I am assured in jjositive terms 
by the KerChief of this village that an answer cannot be delayed 
more than two days longer. It would seem luuxlly possible 



12G American Antiquarian SocicUj. [April, 

that the li:ish;iw wuuld lo.se this opportunity of an inlcrvicvv, 
but sliould it so iuippen, and m_y messenger returns vvitliout 
him, ] am intirely with you in opinion of tlie Brigs letuirung 
with you to the rende/vous. I liave anticiputed 3'our itieas 
concerning tlie impropriety of the Rashaws ai)proacliing the 
IXu'lvish frontiers with a force, and have gi^'en instructions to 
my messenger to signify to liim that he can advance with his 
suite, only whicli are not to consist of more than eight men. 
Am not confident he will yield to these terms for it appears liis 
jealousy and suspicion witli tliose of his Turkish bietliern are 
reciprocal. 

3 O'clock P. M. I liad just turned this period in answer t(j 
your last, when a messenger from Hamet Bashaw entered my 
apartment, and to convince me that he was not an impostor he 
put into my hands my first letters to the l-?ashaw from Alex- 
andria of 30*'^. November. This was a fortunate occuri-ence 
because it assured the Bashaw of our liigh respect for the giiuid 
tSeignor, and cautioned him against any step which miglit go 
to compromit our good intelligence with that Sovereign, and it 
having an Arabac translation on the back I went with it to the 
Kerchief, who bye the bye is a fierce savage Turk, Ijut a good 
General. This at once did away all suspicions. He' took me 
by the hand for the first time, complimented my candour, and 
invited me to ride out and diiu; with him at his camp. 'J'liis 
messenger was followed by several Arabs who kept in the back 
grounds, till the}' knew whether they migiit enter with safety, 
Accompanied by the two Maltese whom I dispachted secretly 
from Cairo. One of the Arabs is a servant of the 13asliaw and 
accompanied him on liis route towards this place as far as 
Terene. Pie will be in i)(;manhour to mori'ow, and Wednesday 
morning we shall set off for Alexandria. I'he Jiashaw has onh' 
his suite with him consisting of about forty persons which gives 
no uneasiness to the I\er Chief. On the contrary he has (jffered 
us an escort to secure our passage to Alexandria and will go 
out with me himself tomorrow to accom]>any our friend into 
Demanhour. 

1 shall v/ant a thousand dollars to clear out from this, and 
request you will arrange the aifair with W . Briggs so as to send 
them safely and if possible in marboobs. This sum I hope and 



1911.] The Hull-Eaton Correspondence. 127 

trust will put an end to our expenses of this sort, uulI it certainly 
will to our (tanker and anxiety. If the hazard of sending cash 
should 1)0 th(juji;ht to great, 1 must pledge my cre<lit with these 

! people till 1 arrive with you. On recon.sidering 1 shall wait 

your answer to this expi'ess, before I start from this place- 
( 1 beg Sir, You will accept my Congratulations 

[ ' and Assurance of Respect and Esteem 

Cap'. Hull. William Eaton. 

N. B. I give the courier who carries this letter one nuirboob, 
and promise him four if he return tuesday witli an answer, 
and a parcel. I have serious doubts of the propriety of sending 
cash, unless you can pack it away in some articles of my ward- 
I'obe. The courier engages to bring my old Toledo Sword. I 
shall have need of it, as I intend this 1 have with me for the 
Bashaw. 



Isaac Hull to WiUiaia Eaton. 

United States ]5rig Argus, 
Dear Sir: Alexanduia, Feb^. 4"', 1S05. 

Your letter of 4^'', came to hand at 12 - this day, but owing 
to tlie Governors being engaged we could not see him until 
nearly four in the afternoon, when W. Briggs and myself 
called on him to know what number of men he would suffer 
to enter tlie town with you. He would not consent tliat more 
than three or four beside your i)arty should accompany you 
and the Bashaw, but at the same time wished to consult the 
Admiral. M''. Briggs and myself went with him to the Admiral, 
whom we found rather in a bad humour. After making known 
to him our visit, he agreed with the Governor that three or 
four were as many as could be allowed to pass through the gates 
with you, liut after talking the matter over and on our leaving 
him he consented to suffer six beside your party to pass the 
Cut, and said he would give orders to tliat ei'fect to the officer 
conmianding at the Cut. Should the Bashaw brmg more with 
him than the eight you mentioned, he had better leave them 
at Demanhoui', until you arrive here, aiul perhaps we shall be 
able to obtain permission to get the whole of them on board. 



128 ■ American Anliquarian Society. [April, 

Wliilst ^]''. \h\g'^^ and myself were witii the Ciovei-nor, f 
liiid men tuit LH)llecting small money to soml ycjii. It ;ip[H ais 
tliey have only collected five hundred dollars, which I hope; will 
answer your present purposes, had they collected more 1 should 
think the risk to great to send the amount by one Coui'ier; 
should the tive hundred not be sufficient, I will send the re- 
mainder by another Conveyance, the sword I dcj not send, for 
fear it miglit be an inducement for the Arabs to ])lunder the 
Coui'ier of both Sword and money, — 

] am, D''. iSir, Yours itc", 
WiniJAM Eaton, Esq''. Isaac Hull. 

11 at Night — I sent M''. O'l^annon on sliore with this letter 
to M''. Briggs to be foi'wardetl by the coui'ier, but it aj^pears 
when he got on shore, that the Governor and Admiral had sent 
for iVf. Bi'igg's dragoman to inform him that tliey had changed 
their minds, that altliough they had consented to sulfer llaniet 
Bashaw to pass with six men, they woulil not allow him to enter 
Alexandria without the Vice Roy's permission, and that they 
had sent off an express to the Vice Roy to Icnow whether he 
would be allowed to jjass. In fact I have desii'ed IVP. O'Hannon 
to state to you what passed at the Admirals, between hiui and 
IVF. Rriggs. 1 had foi'got to mention to you that the (loverncjr 
produced a letter which he said was from the Vice f\oy, limiting 
the niunber of men to two or tliree, that were to be allowed to 
enter Alexandria with the Rashaw, but it appears that IVR. 
Briggs olTered to confine them to the Vice Roy's lettei', but 
they refused, so that it is possible no such letter has been sent 
fiom him. 

I am happy you have wrote the Vice Roy and hope you will 
receive a favourable answer from him, as then you will be 
beforehand with the courier they have sent off, but I think it 
■will be necessary to write him again, to do away any difficulties 
they may make, or any objections they may state to the 
Jiashaws leaving this. If you can place him in a Situation to 
be safe, it will be proper by all means that you come to this 
place as soon as possil:)le, and bring with you the Vice Roys 
firman, and surfi other palmers as you may have, to do away 
the suspicions that have gone out against us. If the Hashaw 



1911.1 



The Hull-Eaton Correspomknce. 



129 



will not part willi 3'-"-i, it may he well to .seiul the rmnau by 
Ar. Blake, or some safe conveyance; or if he will remain with 
M''. Blake and let yon come here, I have no iloubt l)Ut we shall 
be able to convince them, that we have conelucted with u{)righL- 
ness and candour. From what 1 have stated you will perceive 
it is necessary something is done very soon. You will be 
astonisl'jed to see the sudilen change in our alTairs, but we must 
be patient until we can convince them that they have been 
le(.l away by intrigue. 

If any thing further should hapjien 1 shall take the earliest 
opportunity to inform you. I have not sent the money as 
things have taken such a change, 1 was fearful of the courieis 
being stopped. 

Yours Truly 

I. H. 



:;' 



I'.' I- 



i ' 



i ;■ 



n 



1911.] Proceedings. W,- 



/ 131 



PROCEEDINGS. 



ANNUAL MEE'JMNG OF 'rilE SOCIETY, OCTOBER IS, 1911, AT 
'I'llE HALL OE TMl'J KuClE'lT IN WORCESTER. 



The tuinual Jiicotiiig of the tSooiety was called to order 
by President Linc;oln in the new building, at 10.30 
o'clock, on Wednesday morninj.!,, October 18, 1911. 

The members present were: 

James Pryce, Edward H. Thompson, Nathaniel Paine, 
Samuel A. Creen, Edward L. Davis, Edward H. Hall, 
Edmund M. Parton, I'^ranklin P. Dexter, Samuel S. 
Green, iVndrew Mc.F. Davis, Frederic W. Putnam, 
Daniel Merriman, William P. Weeden, Reuben Golton, 
Henry li. Edes, Edward Channing, George E. l*'rancis, 
James P. Paxter, A. George PuUock, William E. Poster, 
Charles Francis Adams, Fi'ancis H. Dewey, (Jalvin 
Stebbins, Henry A. Marsh, William DeL. Love, William 
T. Forbes, George H. Haynes, Ai-thur Lord, William 
R. Livermorc, Waldo Lincoln, Edward S. Moise, George 
P. Winship, Austin S. Garver, William Lawrence, 
A. Lawrence Rotch, Samuel Utley, Penjamin T. Hill, 
Albert Matthews, Alexander F. Chamberlain, William 
MacDonald, Clarence W. Powen, Clarence S. Prigham, 
Frederick L. Gay, Lincoln N. Kiimicutt, Franklin P. 
Rice, Worthington C. lord, George L. ]3urr, William 
C. Lane, Julius H. Tuttle, Wilfred H. Munro, Justin 
LL Smith, Henry W. Cunningham, Frank F. Dresser, 
Albert P. Hart, Shepherd Kna]:)p, George F. Dow, 
Homer Gage, Hemy A. I'arker, John S. Passett. 



132 American Antiquarian Society. I^^t^'t., 

The Secretary rend tlie cull for the mcetin»z;. 

The records of the April meetinfi,-, as [iriiited iu the 
Proceediiigs and distributed to the iu('iiil)ers, were 
ordered approved without reading. 

The Report of the Cyouncil, which was prepared by 
Andrew McFarlaiid JDavis, and the Reports of tlie 'J'reas- 
urer and of the ]jibrarian, were icad and refciircd to 
the Conunittee of Publication. 

Messrs. Cunninghain, Rotch and Garver were api)oint- 
ed a committee to collect and count the ballots for Pres- 
ident of the Society. All the members itresent having 
voted, the committee reported the electicjn of Waldo 
Lincoln. 

President Lincoln, in thanking the members foi- his 
election to a fourth term, said: 

The Society bt'gins its luuKhotli year willi ihis lu'uutiiul, 
convenient, and thoroughly fireproof buihhng, ;i Ijuilding 
worthy of the .splendid collection of Americana which has 
hex:n accuniulating foi' a century througli the wi.^doni of our 
founder, the eutluisiasm of our nieinljor.s and the industry 
and forc^siglit of successive hbrai'ians. If the l;it(; sale of tlm 
Hoe library is a ci-iterion, it will be hnidly an cxaggciation 
to place the value of th(^ collections in this buikling at from 
one and a half to two million dollars — a value which seems to 
justify the lai'ge sum which has been expended for its safe 
keeping. I had hoped that at this meeting 1 might be able 
to report large additions to our endowment, the necessity for 
whic-h l)ecom(!s the more aj)parent as tlui in(.'rease of facilities 
shows what the Society might accomplish did means ]:)ermit. 

Do you gentlemen realize that there is no Society just like 
this in this country? No! not in the Americas! The whole 
western liemisphere is its field in its chosen specialties, its 
collections are unequalled and it offers the use of all its treas- 
ures freely to the historian and the student. The Society is 
too distinguislied, its library anil its work too important to 
be allowed to languish for lack of funds. Worcester has done 
its share. Time and money have been given freely by its 
citizens and this lieautiful building, like its two predecessors 
and the greater portion of its valuable contents, are diui to 



I 1911.] Proceedings. 133 

% 

!\ tlie generosity and devotion of the Worcester members. Is 

/. it unreasonable now to ask others to take up a portion of tlie 

burden? Oi" is there any reason why tlie Society may not 
appeal as confidently to the philanthropist as any educational 
institution in the land? 1 trust, gentlemen, that you will not 
allow the centennial of this splendid Society to pass without 
placing it on a substantial lirumcial basis to the end that its 
I second century of existence may find it at the head of the great 

[, historical Societies, not only in America, but in the world. 

I Messrs. S. A. Green, Dow and Lane were appointed 

I a committee to nominate the other officers of the Society. 

I The committee reported the following list of officers, 

and a balh^t having been cast, they were declared elected. 

Vice-Fres iden is : 

Samuel Abbott Gref.n, LL.D., of Boston, Mass. 
Andhew McFakland Davis, A.M., of Cambridge, 

Mass. 

• • Coiaicillors: 

Nathaniel Paine, A.M., of Worcester, Mass. 
Samuel Swett Green, A.M., of Worcester, Mass. 
Edward Livings'J'ON Davis, A.M., of Worcester, 

Mass. 
Granville Stanley Hall, LL. D., of Worcester, Mass. 
William Babcock Weeden, A.M., of Providence, R.I. 
James Phinney Baxter, Litt.D., of Portland, Me. 
Samuel Utley, LTj.B., of Worcester, Mass. 
Arthur Prentice Pugg, LL.D., of Worcester, Mass. 
Charles Grenfill Washburn, A.B., of Worcester, 

Mass. 
Charles Lemuel Nichols, M.D., of Worcester, Mass. 

Secretary for Foreign Correspondence: 

Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Litt.D., of New 
Haven, Conn. 

Secretary for Domestic Correspondence: 
Charles Francis Adams, LL.D., of Lincoln, Mass. 



134 A'/ncrican Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

Recording Secretary : 
George P.m^ker Winsiiip, A.M., of Providenco, R. I. 

T7'easurer: 

Augustus George Bullock, A.M., of Worcester, 

Mass. 

Comiiiitlee of Puhlication: 

Pranklin PiriRCE Pice, of Worcester, Mass. 
George Henry Haynes, Ph.])., of \Vorcestcr, Mass. 
Charles Lemuel Nichols, M.D., of Worcester, Mass. 
Julius Herbert Tuttle, of Dedhani, Mass. 

Auditors: 

Benjamin Thomas Hill, A.B., of Worcester, Mass. 
Henry vVlexanijer Marsh, of AVorcester, Mass. 

The President, after aiuiouncing tliat the coiujiiittee 
appointed on tlie celebration of the Centennial would 
I'eport in i\])ril, stated that the meeting would {woceed 
to the reading of the ptipers announced on the program. 

George L. Burr, LL.IJ., of Cornell University, read 
a paper called "The Place of New England in the History 
of Witchcraft. " 

The President stated that the next paper on tlie pro- 
gram was "Tlie Ruins of Tiahuanaco, Bolivia," con- 
triljuted by Adolpli F. Bandolier, of New York City, 
but that since Mr. liandelier was unable to be present, 
the paper would be read by title only and would be 
printed in full in the Proceedings. Mr. Winship referred 
appreciatively to Mr. liandelier's work, and expiessed 
the regret of tlie Society that tlie writer of the paper 
was unable to attend the meeting. 

The President remarked that the Honorable James 
Bryce, British Ambassador to the United States and (»ne 
of the foreign members of the Society, nad visited Tia- 
huanaco, and might say a few words regarding those 
wonderful ruins. 



101 i.1 



Proceedings. 



135 



Mr. liuYCE addressed tlie Society as iullovvs: 

Air. President and ycnllemcn:-" 

Tliuu^li 1 euniiot well suy nitich aljout the ruins of Tialmaa- 
aco, as you liave not ha,d the advantage of hearing the i)aper 
of Mr. liandelier, I am grateful to you, Mr. President, for 
calling u]xjn nie to speak to-day because you give me an 
opportunity of thanking the members of the Society for the 
great honour which they conferred on me sometime ago in 
electing me to be one of its foreign members. I appreciated 
that honour very heartily at the time and I appreciate it even 
more full}^ now when 1 have liad the advantage of leai'ning 
more about the work of your Society and its antic^uity anil the 
long line of distinguished men who have been its members. 
Let me congratulate you sincerely upon your conring into 
occupation of this admirable building, which is in so many 
respects a model of what the home of an historical society 
and its library should be. Its plan and proportions somewhat 
remind me of two of the famous buildings which make the 
glory of the ancient city of Ravenna. In some respects it 
recalls the Tond) of Clalla Placidia in tliat city, and in some 
the noble church of San Vitale, Mithough of course its internal 
decorations are entirely different. Let me wish for this liuild- 
ing and this Society as long a history as that Tomb and that 
Church have enjoyed and let us hope that the city of Worces- 
ter will never decline, like Ravenna, into a state in Avhicli it 
has little to live upon except its memories. 

As regards Tiahuanaco I will only venture to say tiiis, 
that having paid a visit to it just a year ago, I was greatly 
struck by the evidence it furnishes of the inunense anticjuity 
of a semi-civilizatioir in the gr(^at central plateau of the Andes. 
It is an extraordinaj'y place in respect to the' s])ace that its 
ruins cover and the proof it supplies of the vast labour ex- 
pended on coustructing its edifices. Everything points to 
the existence of a race which possessed great skill in the cutting 
and polishing of the hardest stone, and which was able to form 
large anil impressive plans of arcliitectuial design. One is 
struck l)y the fact that th(ise Ijuildings nuist have long ante- 
dated the great so-called Inca civilization of Cuzco; and one is 
inclined to conclude that there had been successive monarchies 
dominant in the central plateau of Bolivia and Peru before 
the times to which the early Peruvian traditions carry us 
back. 

Did time permit I should have been very much tem])led lu 
have referred to the extremely interesting pa])er of Mr. Purr 
to which we have listened with so much jdeasure. 1"he i)he- 



13G American Antiquarian Sociely. [Oct., 

nomena of witclicruft to vvliirh he referred find not a few parai- 
lets among tlie Indian triliets of Houtli America where tlie medi- 
cine man or wizard stiU ilourishes and carries on his gainful 
profession no longer in the terror of Ijeing either hanged, 
drowned or burned. The last conversation that I ever had 
with the greatest American historian of iliis generation, the 
late Mr. Henry C. Lea, was upon the subject of tlie book he 
was tlien writing upon witchcral't, and although he had not 
gone very far in the actual writing of the book, lie had accunm- 
lated a mass of material bearing on this cxn-ious subject, much 
of which may, I hope, be utilized by his literary executors for 
the benefit of historical students. 

Let me thank you again, Mr. President, for your kindness 
in permitting me to exjjress my thanks to the Society and 
assure you that English historical students have been following, 
and will continue to follow, with the livehest interest the work 
which you and other historical societies are doing in this 
country. AVe hope and trust that when any of you desire 
to follow out researches in England you will give us — ami I 
will speak in particular for the historical section of the British 
Acad(;my — the opportunity of meeting you and of rendering 
any assistance we can to you in the prosecution of your en- 
(piiries. It is a pleasure to feel that we are all laliouring io- 
gether in heart}' co-o|)eration, Americans and Englishmen, 
in the pursuit of historic truth, as in many other fiekls. 

WiLLi.4M MacDonald, of Brown University, then 
read a paper on "Some Bibliograi)liicaI Desiderata in 
American History." 

The President announced that after the program had 
been arranged and it was found that Mr. Bandelier 
coidd not be present at the meeting, he had asked one 
of the foreign members of the Society, Mr. lildward H. 
Thompson, of Merida, Yucatan, to address tlie Society; 
that Mr. Thompson had prepared a paper on "A Kindlier 
Light on Early Spanish Rule in America," but, since 
the time of the meeting had expired, the pajxn- would 
be read by title only and printed in the Proceedings. 

The President then read the following communication 
from Mr. Thompson, presenting to the Society a rare 
collection of photographic reproductions of the ('hichen- 
Itza ruins of Yucatan: 



1911.1 



Proceedings. 



137 



To the Fretiident of the American Anti<iaariun Society, 
Worcester, il/a.s.s., 
Deau Sir: — 

I take great, pleasure in offering for acceptance by the Soci- 
ety, if it so desires, ihe first prints of tlie ])hotographic series 
that I am now commencing to pubUsh. 

The present series, as the di'scrijition that accompanies 
the prints in(hcates, has as its subject tlie ruined group of 
(;iiiclien-Itza, the oldest and hugest center on the Peninsula 
of Yucatan of that mysterious building race, now called the 
Maya. It also includes male and female types of the present 
Maya natives, probably the tlescendants of those ancient 
builders. 

These prints are made on special platinum paper, and are 
therefore as pernianent as science can make them at present. 
The coloring has been carefully and faithfully done by a 
well known water-color artist of Boston. 

As fast as others are published, the first i)erfect ])ilnts will 
be forwarded to the Society. 

Very truly yours, 

EDWARD H. THOMPSON. 
Octol)er 17, 1911. ' . . 

It was voted to I'efcr the various papers to the Coin- 
niittee of Publication. 

The meeting then dissolved. : 

■ ■/■ GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP, 

'' ' ■ Recordinej Secretary. 



After the meeting, the members of the Society were 
entertained at luncheon by the President, at his house 
on Elm street. 



138 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 



REPORT OF THE COUNCIL. 



One year ago the Society met for the last time withiu 
the walls of the old building on Court Hill. Our present 
domicile was at that time practically completed and a 
portion of our possessions had already been transferred 
thereto. Inadequate and unlovely as the old building 
was, those members of the Society who habitually 
attended the Worcester meetings will always retain 
pleasant memories of the cheerful room occupied by 
the librarian in which they were accustomed to exchange 
friendly greetings before and after the exercises of the 
day, and will not easily forget the homelike and distinctly 
antiquarian aspect of tlie hall within which those exer- 
cises were held, furnished as it was with our old pro- 
vincial or colonial chairs, the gifts of friends of the 
Society, The utter unfitness of the Court Hill building 
for our purposes, and the responsibility which we in- 
curred through the continuous exposure of our collections 
while therein to irreparable loss by conilagration would 
be reasons enough for congratulating the Society upon 
the occasion of holding its first regular meeting in the 
connnodious, fire-proof structure in wliich we are now 
assembled. There may be some, however, who still 
feel sentin:iental regrets that the treasured associations 
with our old home could nut have beeJi preserved through 
improvements and alterations of the building of such 
a nature as to ]jermit the continued occupation of a site 
so admiral)le for our purposes. If by chance there are 
any such, a mere glance at our environment to-day will 
convince them that the members of the Society must in 
time become attached to this beautiful hall, with its 
charming siuxoundings, and will wonder that there could 



1911. 



Report (if [lie Council. 



189 



have been anj'- regrets to alloy the pleasure of our occu- 
})ation of the new building. 

The test of a 3'(!ar of actual use has demonstrated the 
wisdom of the move, and has confirmed our confidence 
that the foietlioiight of the various experts wlio had 
under consideration the plans of the buildhig had made 
ample })j'ovision for the disposition of our books, papers 
and documents, anil had successfully grappled the prob- 
lem of placing them under easy control, ready for sub- 
mission to students wlio should desire to consult them. 
We have lyut to look about us to see under what favorable 
circumstances investigators may^ carry on their researches 
here, comfortably provided with adeiiuate facilities for 
work in a room, the beauty of wiiich l)otli in proportion 
and in contrasts of color becomes more and more im- 
pressive the longer it is inspected. 

Externally, it is thought by some, that the striking 
differences between the white marble of the di^me, tlie 
white columns, the white trimmings, and the red bricks 
ol' the wall, leaves nuich to be desired, but it is to be 
assumed that tlie dust and smoke of the nearby city 
will ameliorate these defects and that the modifying 
of the tints of the I'xtei-nal colors will ultimately permit 
the looker-on to realize the excellent proportions of the 
building without his attention being distracted by this 
temporary assault upon his love of harmony. 

The transfer to the shelves of the stack and the 
arrangement thereon of our books and papei's, and the 
de])osit in suitable recepta(;les of our maiuiscript 
collections has brought the whole of these accumulations 
of years for tlie first time within easy reach of workers, 
and has revealed in many instances unex])ected \ve;dth. 
Our lil)rariii,n rei)orts, for instance, that the large col- 
lection of n^aps which was de])osited in the lil)rary of 
this Society by the New England Historic-Clenealogical 
Society has proved to be of much value, supplementing 
the maps already belonging to the Society in many 
interesting directions. For the first time for many years 
we know with approximate accuracy what we have and 



I*' 



140 American Antiqvarian Socictij. [Oct., 

what are the hicume which ought to be tilled. The 
services of Mr. Brigham in bringing about this condition 
of affairs in a quid, unobtrusive, and economical man- 
ner are entitled to recognition. 

The Council has met with a loss during the yeai- 
which, even though mitigated by the fact that it was not 
unexpected, was nevertheless deeply felt ,by all of us 
since it involved the ruptiu'e of strong, personal friend- 
ships based ujjon iwofound respect, and ripened by long 
association. The person of Charles Augustus Chase 
was familiar to most of our members through his service 
as recording secretary of the Society, but only those 
who we]'e brought in contact with him under circum- 
stances wliere they could profit by his counsel, could 
realize the value to an administrative body, of his 
prudent, cautious temperament, and the careful, delil)- 
erate movements of his mind. Never carried away by 
passion, always faithful to his ideals; the servant of 
truth and the champion of honor; loyal to the Society 
and always to be relied upon to look out for its interests, 
we shall miss his presence and we shall feel the want of 
his advice. Hereafter we can only enjo}^ in memory 
the dry humor with which he occasionally characterized 
a situation or emphasized a point. A conservative 
rather than a progressive, strong in defence rather than 
conspicuous as a leader in assault, the Council could 
always rest assured that they could not commit serious 
error if they listened to him. Mr. Samuel S. Green has 
undertaken to contribute to our necrology a sketch of 
his life and career. 

At the October meeting of the Society in 1908, Mr. 
Henry H. Edes offered the following vote which was 
duly carried: . . , " 

Voted: That the Council of this Society be requested 
to confer with the Council of tlie Massachusetts His- 
torical Society with a view of securing the proper editing 
and publication of all the manusciipt diaries of Increase 
Mather and Cotton Mather, the greater part of which, if 
not all, are owned by the two Societies. 



1911.] Report of the Council. 141 

The matter was duly taken up and at the April meet- 
ing of this Society next ensuing, the Cpuncil reported 
as follows: As a result of the correspondence with the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, a connnittee from 
this Society consisting of Messrs. Andrew McF. Davis, 
George P. Winship and Clarence S. Brighain has been 
appointed to confer with a connnittee from tlie Historical 
Society consisting of Messrs. Charles Francis Adams, 
Nathaniel Paine and Barrett Wendell with reference to 
the publication of the Mather Diaries. 

The questions of how a joint publication by the two 
Societies should be carried on, how the expense should be 
divided and how credit should be given to each Society 
for its share in the work were not easy to answer. The 
natuie of the material demanded chronological arrange- 
ment and this involved a mixing up of tlie diaries in 
possession of the two Societies, so that if they were put 
forth in the collections of the one Society and the Tran- 
sactions of the other there would be a duplication of 
published matter, the necessity of which is absolutely 
uncalled for and the value of which as historical material 
would not furnish justification. 

Fortunately for the success of the proposed scheme 
the conmiittees appointed by the Coimcils of the two 
Societies were in entii'e accord in their desire to secure tlie 
.carrying out of the project and were respectively willing 
to concede minor points where concession was essential. 
The harmonious co-operation of Mr. Brigham, upon 
whom devolved much of the preliminary work in this 
affair on the part of our Society, and of Mr. Worthing- 
ton C. Ford, the appointed representative of the Com- 
mittee of the Massachusetts Historical Society, was also 
absolutely essential, and credit should be given to them 
for making possible a solution of some of the trouble- 
some questions which arose during the progress of the 
discussion. 

As a result of this introductory work, the Historical 
Society generously undertook to print all the Cotton 
Mather diaries and to furnish enough copies to the Anti- 



142 American Aiiiiqnarinn Socuiij. . [Oct., 

quarian Society to make sure that one ^should i-cacli each 
member of this Society. On the other luuid, tlie Anti- 
quarian Society resigned its chiim tliat tlie joint publi- 
cation should appciU' in its series of published collections. 
The diaries of Cotton Mather of which we liave knowl- 
edge cover dates extending from 1G81 to 1724 inclusive, 
a period of forty-thiee years. The diaries wliich have 
been preserved contaiji the record of events, or emotions, 
which occurred during twenty-six of these forty-three 
years. The manuscrii)t of each year is separately 
stitched and constitutes a volume by itself. Sixteen of 
them are to be found in the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, nine in the Anticiuarian Society and one in the 
Congregational Library. The whole, wlien published, 
will fill two volumes, the first of which, a book of G04 
■ pages, is already out. The second volinne will have about 
800 pages. The diaries contain psycliological rather than 
historical matter and would liave but little value were it 
not for the prominence of tlie man, the activity of his 
career, and the influence that he exerted during life. 

The Cotton Mather diaries being thus disposed of 

there remains to be discussed what shall Ije done with 

tliose of Increase Mather. The twenty-six volumes of 

the Cotton Mather diaries were legibly written upon 

small-sized sermon paper. Increase made use of alma- 

, nacs, many of which were intei'leaved but all of which 

, were small in size. The entries in the several books are 

i not necessarily confined to the year of tlie particular 

almanac in wliich they are made, one or two of them 

\ having extra leaves bound in both at tlie beginning and 

• end of the volume. The seventeen almanacs containing 

\ ihese entries fui'iiish a i)artial recoixl covering at least 

' twenty-three or twenty-four years of Mather's life. The 

I extreme limits of tlie dates of the various entries extend 

I • from 1665 to 1721 inclusive. Sixteen of these almanacs 

' belong to tliis Society. The Massachusetts Historical 

Society owns one and has already printed the contents 

of that volume. The entries throughout the sot of 

diaries are necessarily compressed, abbreviati(ms and 



II: 



I 



191 l.J Report of Ihe Council. 143 

abridgments being made use of, the whole resulting in 
a skeleton record of the daily avocation and of the read- 
ing or study of the man, without much regai'd to outside 
matters. Take a single page of the published diary. 
It presents the record of nineteen days. This record 
contains twelve entries which read "studyed serni", " 
two "prpd for lect," three "prpd for sabbath" and gives 
the titles of eight books which Mather was reading on 
certain days. There are one or two brief references 
on this page to current events which might prove in- 
teresting if they were more than mere references. 

At the present time the Massachusetts Historical 
Society is overloaded with publication work and the 
Antiquarian Society has as much on hand as it can at- 
tend to. The conunittees having the publication in 
charge will undoubtedly be met in their claim for im- 
mediate attention with the answer on the i)art of both 
Societies that the matter cannot be taken up at present 
and it is quite possible that we shall ultimately be obliged 
to content ourselves with a descriptive paper prepared 
by some person appointed for the jjurpose, which will 
embody all extracts from the Increase Mathm- diarie.s 
of such matter as is of general interest. 

When the requisite numl)er of the first volume of the 
published diaries of Cotton Mather was furnislied us by 
the Histoi'i(;al Society as a part of the transaction aljove 
described we were confronted with the question: What 
shall be done with these volumes? This Society has 
never furnished its published collections free of charge 
to its members. If we should receive these books and 
then sell them the net i-esult would be; that whatever 
sum we should receive for them would he practically a 
payment by the Historical Society f(jr the privilege of 
publishing some of our manuscripts. The improjjriety 
of this led at once to the conclusion that the volumes 
received from the Historical Society should be distrib- 
uted among tliose members of this Society who were 
not, through their membership in the Historical Society, 
already in possession of a cop3^ 



144 Arricrican Anliquarian Society. [Oct., 

The discussion caused by this proceeding raised doubts 
in the minds of the Council whether it would not actually 
be for tlie pecuniary beneht of the Society as well as for 
its geneial reputation to jjursue the policy of many other 
societies engaged in kindred work and distribute among 
our members, publications of our collections as they come 
out. The result was that at a meeting of the Council 
held September 14, it was voted that volumes 11 and 12 
of the Transactions, and all future volinnes, be distrib- 
uted without cost to members who are not in arrears to 
the Treasury. In connection with this movement to 
secure a wider distribution of our publications tliose 
having in charge the sale of the earlier vohnnes of the 
so-called Transactions have issued a circular announcing 
that these volumes can now be secured at reduced pjices. 
The title, "Transactions, " given to them is an inheritance 
and is misleading. They belong more properly to the 
class of publications usually denominated "Collections. " 
We have already abandoned the title, "Arclueologia 
Americana," a relic of the early part of last century, 
and it may Ije that some way may be found to furnish 
a more suitable binder's title than "Transactions." 
Perhaps the word, "Publications" itself is compi'ehen- 
sive enough to include past and future. On this point 
the Council would be glad to heai- at some future time 
expressions of opinion from members of the Society. 

Volumes 1 1 and 1 2 of the Transactions have already 
passed into the hands of the members of the Society. 
The first of these volumes was referred to and described 
in the report of the publication committee included in 
the Council report last April. Tlie contents of the vol- 
ume, though miscellaneous in cliaracter, are neverthe- 
less of great value as sources of information and nmst 
be regarded as a distinct contribution toward the history 
of a comparatively unknown subject. As for tlie Royal 
Proclamations in volume 12 of the Transactions, it will 
be admitted by all historical students that this volume 
contains information nmch of which is available in no 
other form than by personally consulting the archives 



1911. 



Report of the Council. 



145 



I 

i 



at the Record Ollice in London, information further- 
more of such a character that it cannot be neglected by 
any student of x-Vmerican liistor}' of that period. Ulti- 
mately the volume nnist find its way ui)on the shelves 
of every library in America that pretends to maintain 
an equipment adequate for research in American history. 
We have to congratulate ourselves that affairs have 
moved so smoothly in our new building and tliat we have 
adapted ourselves thoroughly in our every-day life to 
our new situation. The greater the facilities provided 
for the use of our material, tlie greater will be the ad- 
vantage taken of these provisions, and it will undoubted- 
ly be found that our expenses will increase. The wise 
fcjrethouglit that sought to jirovide a fund for this lias 
not as yet realized a success of which we ought to boast. 
Our membership is not composed of Carnegies and Rock- 
efellers. We must, therefore, base our hopes upon out- 
side support. While we gratefully acknowledge the 
generous gifts already received, we must rest our hopes 
largely on aid to be derived from otliers through mem- 
bers and we would especially appeal to citizens of Wor- 
cester who ought to take pride in the fact that the 
American Antiquarian Society is located liere, that it 
lias contributed to the attractions of the place a beautiful 
hall, and that it maintains a library which is open to the 
world for consultation. 

ANDREW McFARLAND DAVIS, 

For the Council . 



1 



14(), American Antiquarian Society. [UcL, 



OBITUARIES. 



CHARLES AUGUSTUS CHASE. 

Charles Augustus Chase was boni ut Worcester, 
September 9, 1833. He was descended I'luni Wilham 
Chase, who came from England with Winl-hrop, the 
founder of Boston, in 1G30, bringing the surname di'i'ived 
from the Frencli, chasser (to lumt), fi'oni the ancestral 
seat, Chesham, Buckinghamshire, neai' Iho i-ivei' Chess. 

Mr. Charles A. Chase's grandfather married in Smith- 
field, the center of Quaker influence in Worcester, and 
his father, Anthony Chase, married Eydia Earle, the 
daughtei- of Pliii}^ and Patience Earle, and sister of the 
late Hon. Jolm JNlilton Eai'le, of tlie celebrated Quaker 
family of Leicester, in 1819. Mr. Charles Chase re- 
tained afhliation with the Society of Fiiends until his 
death, supporting ministrations and making a liberal 
contribution toward the erection of its new meeting- 
house, although proba]»ly not ap])ro\'ing entirely of 
some of the developments of the Society in Worcester. 
He was inclined towards the beliefs of the Hicksite ])or- 
tion of the Society of Friends. 

Mr. Chase's father, Anthonj^ Chase, in 1829 became 
the first local agi'nt of the Worcester and Providence 
Boating Comi:)any, an organization whicfi managed the 
Blackstone Canal. lie was secretary of the Worcester 
Mutual Fire Insurance Company from 1831 to 1852, 
and afterwards its ])resident, occupying that position 
at the time (jf his death, August 4, 1879. Pie was C/ounty 
Treasurer from 1831 to 18G5 and held other ollices of 
public trust and private responsibility. 

Mr. Charles A. Chase, after going through the lower 
grades of the |)ublic schools in W^orcester, graduatetl from 



1011.] Obituaries. 147 

the Thomas .sireol. grauuiuir school in ](SI5 iiito the new 
Classical ami English High School. After passing 
through the regular classical course in that school, he 
remained another year to take a some^vhat extended 
course in mathematics. 

He entered Harvard CcjUege in 1851 and was gradua- 
ted in 1855, receiving the degri^e of Master of Arts in 
1858. Among his classmates were Phillips Brooks, 
Alexander Agassiz, Frank B. Sanl:)orn, our .associate, 
Dr. Jolui Green, ophthalmologist, and, for the short 
time that he; remained in college, Henry L. Higginson, 
banker and liberal giver. Mr. Chase was intensely 
interested in the affairs of the College and when the 
Harvard Club was afterwards formed in Worcester 
became its second president. 

By invitation of his friend, Mr. Charles Hale, editor 
of the Buslon Daily AdocrUser, he joined the staff of 
tliat paper in 1855 and hlled the position of reporter in 
the various departments and of office editor for seven 
years. During this time he reported for the paper 
Lincoln's famous speech at Gettysburg. 

In 18G2 Mr. Chase made a five-months' tour of ICurope, 
seeking rest, and on his return was led by family con- 
siderations to take up his residence again in Worcester. 

In the autunm of 18G4 he was elected County Treas- 
urer, succeeding his father, and held the office for eleven 
years. In 1875 he was chosen Register of Deeds and 
served during the centennial j^ear of 187G. He was soon 
after elected secretary of the Worcester Board of Trade. 

In 1879 Mr. Chase wrote a history of Worcester for 
tlie county history published by C. F. Jewett & Co. 
of Boston. Although the work was done in a limited 
time, there was incorporated in it considerable matter 
which was the result of original research and had never 
before appeared in print. Later, for Hiu'd's History of 
Worcester County he wrote chai)ters on the newsi)aper 
press in Woi'cester and on banking and insurance in 
that place, and still later an historical sketch of the Wor- 
cester National Bank issued in connection with, the 



148 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

centennial anniversary of the establishment of that 
institution. 

In 1879 he served as treasurer and manager of the 
Worcester Telephone Company. The Western Union 
. ' Telegraph Company was one of the stockholders. After 

spirited competition with the Bell Telephone Company 
> . which had established a rival exchange, the Telegraph 

Company and the Bell Telephone Company entered 
into a kind of partnership covering the whole country 
and the two Worcester exchanges were meiged into one, 
the Worcester gentlemen selling out their stock. 

On November 10, 1879, Mr. Chase was elected treas- 
ui'cr of the Worcester Coimt}'' Institution for Savings, 
succeeding Mr. Charles A. Hamilton who died in office, 
and in 1904 was promoted to the presidency of the insti- 
tution as successor to Stephen Salisl)ury. This office 
he resigned in 1908 on account of ill health. 

He was influential in the affairs of the city. He was 
secretary of the Worcester Tjyceum and Library Asso- 
ciation from 1863 to 1800; vice-president, 1807-08, and 
on the lecture committee fi'om 1866 to 1880; a director 
of the Public Library from 1868 to 1874; director of 
the Citizens' National Bank fi'om 1880 to 1889, and of 
the Worcester National Bank from January, 1888; 
1,: director of the Merchants' and Farmers' Fire Insurance 

Company from 1883. He was trustee and treasurer 
' of Memorial Hos{)ital, corporator of the Worcester Art 

' Museinn, and an active member of the governing board 

' ' of the Old Men's Home. He was, also, commissioner 

of the sinking funds of the City of Worcester. He was 
president of the North End Street Railway Company, 
v " which established a suburban fine that was finally ab- 

j , sorbed by the Worcester Consolidated Railroad Company. 

I . For a history of Mr. Chase's connection with the 

i '■. American Antiquarian Society and for a list of the im- 

I . portant offices whi(!h lie held in it, as well as of the papers 

t which he contributed to its Proceedings, see the report 

s of the memorial meeting of the Covrncil of the Society 



held immediately after his death. 



1911.] Obituaries. 149 

He was a member of the New England Historic-Gen- 
ealogical Society, the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 
the Bunker Hill Monument Association, and The Worces- 
ter Society of Antiquity. He was also a member of the 
St. Wulstan Society and of the Worcester Fire Society. 

Mr. Chase for most of his life was connected with a 
newspaper, following in the footsteps of his father who 
from 1823 to 1835 was associated with John Milton 
Earle in the ownership of the Worcester Spy. Mr. 
Charles Chase while in the High School published a boys' 
paper called "The Humble Bee," and, as stated before, 
from 1855 to 18G2 was employed on the Boston Daily 
Advertiser. For about 25 years he was associated with 
Ml-. Charles H. Doe, who had also been employed on the 
Advertiser, in ownership of the Worcester Gazette. 

Mr. Chase married, in Boston in 1862, Mary Teresa 
Clark and is survived by their two children, Mary Alice 
who is the wife of Thomas H. Gage, Jr., and Maud Elisa 
Chase whose home was with her father. He left, also, 
a sister, Miss Sarah E. Chase, and a half-sister, Mrs. 
J. Russel Marble. 

Mr. Chase died June 5, 1911, from the last of a long 
series of hemorrhages of the brain which extended 
through a period of more than 5 years. He was in his 
78th year. 

Mr. Chase was always regarded as a man of perfect 
integrity and had the confidence of all his associates. 
It was noticeable that he was especially trusted by the 
poor. He was a public spirited and useful citizen and 
was a quiet, generous and constant giver in charity. 
He was a man of earnest convictions, but slow to criti- 
cize. He was always thoughtful in speech and action. 

He was a man of good business judgment and con- 
ducted faithfully and successfully all the intei'ests that 
he was called on to guard, rendering acceptable service 
in whatever occupation he was engaged. His business 
positions were not those in which the need of initiative 
is conspicuous but those in which he was mainly guided 
by regulations, but such were the fidelity and precision 



150 ■ Avicrican Antiquarian Socicly. [Oct., 

wliich he displayed in the discharge of his duties that his 
services were ahvays vahiable. 

IMr. Cliase was a deliglitful companion, interested in 
general affairs and especially in facts of local history. 
He imparted much information in a pleasant manner. 
He was naturally' social, genial and witty, often irresistibly 
droll. He had a wide interest in art and literature. 
He was a noticeably fine scholar in the Latin and Greek 
classics and retained his intei'est in these branches of 
study throughout life. He was an authority in regard 
to the history of Worcester and had a passion for accu- 
racy in regard to facts and in regard to speech and writ- 
ten expression. g. g. Q. 

Proceedings at a 

Special Council Meeting, June 7, 1911, Regarding 

THE Death of Mr. Charles A. Chase. 

Present: the President, Messrs. Paine, Utley, Engler 
and Rugg. 

The President announced that the meeting of the 
Council had been hastily called to take action upon the 
death of Charles Augustus Chase. He gave a sketch 
of Mr. Chase's long connection with the Society, stating 
that he had been elected a member in 1880, had served 
as auditor from 1880 to 1887, on the committee of pub- 
lication from 1882 to 1900, as recording secretary from 
1894 to 1900, on the finance conmiittee from 1901 to 
1900, and upon the Council from 1884 until his death. 

After remarks by Mr. Paine and Judge Utley, it was 
voted that Mr. Samuel Swett Clreen of the Council 
should be asked to prepare a minute regai-ding Mr. 
Chase, to be spread upon the records. 

In response to tliis reciuest Mr. Green prepared the 
following minute :— 

A sketch of the life of Mr. Chase will appear in the Pro- 
ceedings of the Society among the notices prepared under the 
supervision of the Biogra])her. This is the thne to sjx'ak (jf 
his services to the Society and of tliose qualities whicli made 
it so pleasant for us to meet with liim as menibers of the 
Council. 



1911.] Obituaries. 151 

An account of tlic offices which Mr. Chase has fiHed in the 
Society has been yiveu by tlie President. A hst of his papers 
and other literary contributions to its Procee(Jin{;,s will be 
found at the end of this notice. 

During the twelve years of his occupancy of the position 
of Secretary, he did the work required faithfully and accept- 
ably; tlie papers which he presented to the Society were always 
interesting and important. 

The most noteworthy services of Mr. Chase, liowever, 
were those which he as a member of the Committee of Publi- 
cation rendered during the twenty-four years that he held 
that position. He was a man of great accuracy of expression 
and a fondness for details. These cjualities together with his 
long and conscientious work in responsible positions on the 
Boston Daily Advertiser and his interest from boyhood through- 
out life in the preparation of articles for the newsitapers made 
his services on that conunittce as a critical editor of the Pro- 
ceedings very valuable. 
j; Mr. Chase's personal and social characteristics were of a 

I high order. Of good judgment and firmness of opinion he 

\ yet yielded readily to superiority in argument. A man of 

f. extensive and exact information regarding local and historical 

I facts and of interest in affairs genei'al and si)ecial, his i)art in 

j; conversation was always interesting and made exceedingly 

\ pleasant by his kintluess of heart, conciliatoi-y attitude and 

' witty speech. liis droll sa3'ings were irresistible. 

I The Society has lost, by the death of Mr. Cliase, a warm 

! friend; the Council, a wise and delightful companion. 

CONTIIIBUTIONS TO 'rillO PliOCEEDlNCiS. 

In April, 1887, in a report of the Council, "Sonje great char- 
itable trusts of Great Britain." 
In vVpril, 1897, also as a portion of a report of the Council, 

"Some great trusts in tlie Unitetl States." 
In April, 1899, in a report of the Council, "The Boston meet- 
ings of the American Antitpiaria]! Society." 
In April, 1901, as a portion of the report of tlie Council, "Land 

titles of the American Antitjuarian Society." 
In Octol)er, 1901, and October, 1907, additional statements 

regarding the land titles of the Society. 
In October, 189G, an account of his attendance, as a dele- 
gate from the Society, at the laying of the Memorial 
Stone of the Robinson Memorial Church at Gains- 
borough, England, June 29, 1896. 
In October, 1891, "William Lincoln, a biographical sketch." 



152 American Anticpuirian Society. [Oct., 

As portions of the reports of the Council in October, \>i*J'Z, 
April, 1894, April, 180G, and October, 1899, obituaries of 
several members of the Society. 

CARROLL DAVIDSON WRIGHT. 

Carroll Davidson Wright died in Worcester, Febru- 
ary 20, 1909. He was born in Dunbarton, New Hamp- 
shire, July 25, 1840, the third of seven children. His 
father was a Universalist minister and his ancestors on 
botli sides had for generations lived in New England. 
He was educated in the public schools and academies 
and, at the age of twenty, began the study of law in an 
ofhce, supporting himself by teacliing rural schools. 
In September, 18G2, he enlisted in the Fourteenth Vol- 
unteer Regiment of New Hampshire as a private, but 
was rapidly promoted and in two yeai'S, at the close of 
the Shenandoah Campaign, he became colonel of his 
regiment. Overwork and illness forced him to resign 
in the spring of 18G5, when he engaged in business in 
Lynn. On January 1, 1867, he married Caroline E. 
Harnden, and soon after began the practice of law in 
Boston, specializing in patent cases. In 1871 and again 
the next year he was elected from Reading, Massachu- 
setts, to the state senate where he was made Chairman 
of a committee on Insurance and Military Affaii's. Here 
he began his advocacy of Civil Service Examinations. 
Two years before, the Legislature had established a State 
Bureau of Statistics and Labor, and in May, 1873, 
Colonel Wright was made its head. In connection with 
his work here, the Massachusetts ten-hour labor law 
was enacted and public sentiment was turned in the 
direction which afterwards brought about the inspection 
of factories, child labor laws, etc. Under his administra- 
tion, the Bureau was not partisan but devoted merely 
to the promotion of labor legislation. The decennial 
census of 1875 was undertaken by it and other statistical 
investigations begun and a wide range of toi)ics discussed. 
Colonel Wright's rejiutation grew rapidly and he was 
much in demand as lecturer and author. So success- 



1911.] Obituaries. 153 

fill was the Massachusetts Bureau under liis duectiou 
that the state urged a natioual biu'eau aud in 1885 
Colonel Wright was nominated and in 1888 made its 
head. From this period his career is of national im- 
portance and is well known. The fimction of the Bureau 
as he conceived it was the proper education of the 
masses in the elementary facts of political and economic 
science and his reports for twenty years at Washington 
are mines of information. He was the counsellor of 
several Presidents, the director of the eleventh census 
and an important arbiter in several of the greatest labor 
troubles that the country has seen, beginning Avith the 
Pullman Strike in 1894 in Chicago and ending with the 
great Anthracite Coal Strike in 1902, which involved 
147,000 mine workers. Various states beginning with 
Pennsylvania in 1872 followed the example of Massa- 
chusetts in estabhshing bureaus of statistics and labor 
and in all these the influence of Colonel Wriglit was 
strongly felt. For twenty years, ending in 1905, he 
was president of a national association of these bureaus 
and had much to do in shaping their policy. 

Dm'ing the later years of his life in Wasliington, tlie 
disease which ended in his death made his work increas- 
ingly hard. The invitation to organize Clark College 
made it possible for him to return to Massachusetts 
under very congenial conditions. Although not himself 
a college graduate, his liighly scholarly temperament, 
his wide experience and his sound judgment enabled 
him to organize a new academic institution unhampered 
by traditions where young men, in the terms of the found- 
er's will, are to be educated for citizenship and their 
work in life. He made it a hard working academic democ- 
racy, without social distinctions or class enmities, gov- 
er'ned by a high standard of honor, loyalty and courtesy. 

High as were his attainments and eminent as was his 
career and great as were his services, his ideals, as H. G. 
Wadlin well says, were always in advance of his achieve- 
ments. His influence in this state extended far beyond 
the college. As a member of the State Board of Edu- 



154 A'/ncrican- AniiqunrUoi Socictij. [Oct., 

cation, he conducted one of the most important reports 
ever made, the indirei't results of which have led to the 
reconstruction of tli*; 'board in a way to do justice to 
the industrial aspects of education. He was also made 
Professor of Statistics and Economics in Clark Univer- 
sity in 190-1, Trustee of the Carnegie Institution from its 
foundation in 1902, was president of the Ameiican Uni- 
tarian AssociatitiU for three years ending 1S99, member 
of various learned societies in this country and aI)i'oad, 
holder of the LJ^.D. degree from live collc^ges or uni- 
versities, memlj(;r of the Military Order of the l^oyal 
Legion, wearing its cross. For a l>iljliographical list 
of his chief writings, see the (Quarterly of th(^ Americuu 
Statistical Association for September, 1909, new series 
No. 87. 

Colonel Wright's career was quite different from that 
which he originally chuse. Incalculably great as his 
public services became, he would <_loubtless have been 
no less eminent had he cliosen a judicial car(;er. In 
personality he was genial and pleasing, very raivly 
making enemies and unusually endowed witli comuKjn 
sense and tact. The range and versatility of his capa- 
cities and interests were amazing. Not only on nearly 
every important social and political topic, l)ut on many 
religious, educational and special themes lic lias jolaced 
himself on record in a luminous and heli)fid way. The 
fact that in successive administrations and amidst 
repeated changes of parties in Washington, Colonel 
Wright was able to keep his Bureau not only out of i^oli- 
tics but free and independent of all other govei'iiment 
institutions is itself a tribute to his tact and sagacity. 

Colonel Wright became a member of the American 
Antiquarian Society in 1893. Aljsoj'bed with other 
activities and in declining health, liis oiily contribution 
to the Society was a paper on Labor Orgiuiizations in 
Ancient, Medieval and Modern Times. Besides his 
intellectual gifts and attainments, he Avas a genial com- 
panion and friend and as such will be remembered l)y 
all among us who knew him. Q. S. H. 



. I ■ 1911.] Report of ihc Treasurer. '■ 155 

I RI<]PORT OF THE TREASURER. 

I • Tlie Treasiiver presents his xVunual Report of receipts mid 

F expenditures for the year ending September 30th, 1911, ;ind 

I a statement uf the investments of the Society. 

I The Assets Octuljer Ist, 1911, are $181,915.85 

■ L' ' and are invested as follows: — 

'■■ Bonds $241, 509. 00 

|. ■ Stocks 3G,9G8.00 

I MortL!;age loans 15,100.00 

I Real Estate ■ 184,900.00 

I Cash on hand 6,378.85- 

I . $484,915.85 

I Of this amount, $481,977.74 represents the principal and 

I $2,938.11 the unexpentled income October 1st, 1911. '^I'his 

I latter sum stauils credited to the income of tlie various funds. 

I The Centeimial Fund has been increased during the year 

I by tlie following gifts: — 

I Austin S. Carver $ 100.00 

i" Francis H. Dewey 2,500.00 

■ Thomas W. Balch 100.00 

Charles C. Smith 50.00 

I William Lawrence 100.00 

Albert Matthews 25.00 

; William E. Foster " 25.00 

; ^ William Beer 10.00 

I Charles P. Bowditch 100.00 

I Arthur II. Church (4 guineas) 20.33 

I Samuel Abbott Green 100.00 

i The new building and land cost $184,900.00 and all bills 

; in connection therewith are paid. 

' We had an unusual item of income during the year, $514.29 

j unearned Fire Insurance premiums returned. 

: After the completion of the building the President did not 

j advise furtlicr insurance. This was applied to charging oil 

the bond premium account $583.85. 

Our securities are carried at book or cost value and this 
j value in most cases, is less than the actual market value. Tliere 

' has been no change in our list except that $2,000 C'ity of 

Quincy and $1,000 Crompton & Knowles Loom Works bonds 

liave matured, and theie has been purchased 2 Shares of 
; Worcester Gas Light Comi)any and 3 Shares of Worcester 

Trust Company stock. 

A. G. BULLOCK, Treasurer. 



15G 



American AiUiquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT 

Assets October 1, 1910 

Principal received since October 1, 1910. 

Life Meinbershii) Fees 

Sale of books to Cr. Purchasing Fund 

Purcluising Fund incotm; addctl to principal 
Austin S. Garvcr for Centennial Fund. . . 
Francis II. Dewey " " "... 



TLonuis W. Balch " 
Charles C. Smith 
William Lawrence " 
Albert Matthews " 
William E. Foster " 
William Beer " 

Charles P. Bowditch '' 
Arthur II. Church " 
Samuel Abbott Green " 



Income Special Gifts added to principal . . 
Expended for books from Purchasing Fund 



200 . GO 

270.00 

132.85 

100.00 

2,500.00 

100,00 

50 . 00 

100 . 00 

25 . 00 

25.00 

10.00 

100.00 

(4 Guineas) 20.33 

100.00 

22.50 



$3,755. t)8 
100.00 



INCOME ACCOUNT. 

Unexpended Income, October 1, 1910 $3,t)73.86 

Income froni Investments 14,390.84 

Assessments 450 . 00 

Unearned Fire Ins. Prems. returned 514.29 

Sale of Books 240. 19 

EXPENDITURES. 

Incidental expenses $ 248.02 

Salaries . 7,570 . 00 

Treasurer & Office Expense 534. 79 

Light, Heat, Water et Telephone 753 . 01 

Supplies 21G.05 

Books (Less $100 charged to Purchasing Fund) 2,739.99 

Publishing . 1,842 53 

Binding 310. 75 

Repairs on Furniture &. Paintings 49.27 

Rent of Newspaper Room 50.00 

Moving Expen.se 1,122 . 51 

Care of Grounds 153 . 75 

Bond Premium account charged off 583.85 

Income transferreil to principal 155.35 

Assets, ■ 



$478,322.06 



$ 3,(355.(58 
$481,977.74 



$ 19,275.18 
$501,252.92 



$ 16,337.07 



$484,915.85 



1911.] Report of the Treasurer. 157 

ASSETS OCT. 1, 1911. 

Bonda $211,509.00 

Stocks 3G,9G8 . 00 

Mortgage Loans 15,10U . 00 

Real Estate 184,900 . 00 

Caab on hand 0,378 , 85 $484,916 . 85 

Unexpended balances, Oct. 1, 1911 $ 2,938.11 

Principal, Oct. 1, 1911 $481,977.74 



Condition of tue Fund Accodnth 

Fund Principal Unexpended Income Expended Balanoa 







Income 


1911 


1911 


for 






1910 






1912 


Alden 


t 1,000.00 


S 95.00 


S 50.00 


t 145 00 




Bookbiiuling 


7,500 00 


351.95 


375.00 


316.75 


$410.20 


George Chandler 


500.00 


.92 


25.00 


22,89 


3.03 


Collection & llesearoh 


17.000.00 


1,130.10 


850.00 


1,965.53 


14 63 


Isaac & Edward L. Davis 


20,000 , 00 


138.73 


1,000.00 


811.42 


327.31 


John & Eliza Davia 


4,000.00 


9.12 


245.00 


191.61 


62.51 


Francis H. Dewey 


4,800.00 




240 . 00 


212,19 


27.81 


Geo. E. Ellis 


17,500.00 


116.63 


875.00 




091.53 


Librarians' & General 


35,000.00 




1,990.19 


1.996.19 




Haven 


1,500.00 


.22 


75.00 


60.76 


8.46 


Library Building* 


184,900.00 










Life Meniberaliip 


2,950.00 


123.75 


147.50 


248 . 02 


23.23 


Lincoln Legacy 


7,000.00 


78.32 


350,00 


82, 53 


345.79 


Publishing 


32,000.00 


160.00 


1,682 53 


1,842.43 




Salisbury Legacy 


105,000 00 


27.19 


6,280 . 00 


4,788.81 


618.38 


Tenny 


5,000 00 


25 00 


250.00 


275.00 




Benjamin F. TUoinaa 
Local History 


1,000.00 


1.49 


50.00 


45.36 


0.18 


Frances W. Haven 


2,000 00 


105.00 


100 , 00 


205.00 




Purcha-'jingf 


2,080.91 




1 32 . 85 


132.85 




Charles Francis Washburn 


5,000.00 


225 . 00 


250.00 


475.00 




Centennial 


15,005.33 


249.20 


772 . 99 


823,17 


199.08 


Eliza D. Dodge 


3,000.00 


07.50 


150,00 


217.50 




Hunnewell 


5,000.00 


112.50 


250.00 


302.50 




Special Gifts 


♦472.50 




22.50 


22.50 




Salisbury BIdg. Fund 












(Transferred to Library BIdg.) 


656.20 

13,673.86 




656.20 
$15,905.31 $ 






$181,977.74 


$15,109.56 


2,938.11 



* This fund represents the consolidation of the Library Building Fund, Salisbury 
Building Fund, Salisbury Mansion Fund and a part of the Salisbury Legacy Fund, 
t Icuome added to principal. 



158 



American Aiiliquarlan Society. 



[Oct, 



Statkmknt of Tiiio Investments. 

Bonds. Piiu Cent. Pah. 

Am. Tplcphone & Telegraph Co 4 $11,000 

Atchison, 'IVipeka & Sunta ¥c R. R. . .4 2,1)00 

ALchison, 'I upeka & Santa Fe R. R. . . 4 1 ,000 

Baltimore & Ohio R. R 3J2 5,000 

Boston & Maine R. R 3J^ 5,000 

Boston Elevated RaiKvay Co 4 2,000 

Boston Elevated Railway Co ^yz 8,000 

lialtiniore, Md., City of 4 15,000 

IJoston, Mass., City of. '3H 15,000 

Brockton, Mass., City of 4 2,000 

Chicago, 111., City of 4 8,000 

Duluth, Miini., City of . 4 2,000 

Chicago, Builington & Quincy R. R. .4 5,000 

Chicago & Eastern Ilhnois 11. R 5 9,000 

Chicago, Indiana & Southern R. R . . .4 12,000 

Congress Hotel Co G 5,000 

Ellicott Sq. Co., BulValo, N. Y 5 5,000 

Fitchburg R. R 3'^ 10,(H)U 

Illinois Central R. R 33^2 2,000 

Jersey City, N. J., City of 4 5,000 

Lowell, Lawrence & Haverhill Ry 5 7,000 

Lynn & Boston Ry. Co 5 1,000 

Marlboro & Westboro Ry. Co 5 1 ,000 

Memphis, Tenn., City of 4 5,000 

Middletown, Conn., City of 3}^ 5,000 

New York, City of 4^2 20,000 

N. Y., N. H. & II. R. R 4 10,000 

N. Y., N. H. & II. R. R SK' 50 

N. Y., N. H. & II. R. R 6 ^2,200 

Old Colony R. R 4 3,000 

Omaha, Neb., City of VA 15,000 

Penobscot Shore Line R. R. Co 4 5,000 

Pere Marquette R. R . 4 5,000 

Quincy, Mass., City of 4 2,000 

Seattle Electric Co 5 5,000 

Southern Indiana R. R 4 2,000 

Union Pacific R. R . . A 500 

Waterbury, Ct., City of 4 10,000 

West End St. Ry. Co 4 1,000 

Wilkesbarre & Eastern R. R 5 2,000 

Woonsockct, R. I., City of 4 12,000 

Worcester & Marlboro St. Ry. Co. ... 5 3,000 

Worcester & Webster St. Ry. Co 5 2,000 



Book. 


$11,000 


1,510 


885 


4,637 


4,593 


2,000 


7,900 


15,000 


14,325 


2,000 


8,000 


1,910 


5,000 


9,000 


10,920 


5,000 


5,000 


9,300 


2,000 


4,931 


0,570 


1,000 


1,000 


4,887 


4,700 


20,000 


10,000 


50 


2,189 


2,970 


15,000 


4,913 


5,000 


2,000 


5,000 


2,000 


150 


9,t)00 


1,000 


2,000 


11,179 


3,000 


2,000 



S24 1,560 



1911.] 



Report of the Treasurer. 



159 



Stocks. P;ir Book 

Shares Value. Value. 

20 Arn. Tel. & Tel. Co $ 2,UU0 $ 2,000 

11 Atchiadn, Topeka & Santa Fe R. R.. . . 1,100 087 

32 National J3ank of Commerce, Boston. . 3,200 3,200 

Fiteliliurg National Bank • . . . 600 GOO 

50 Fltclibinj; Railroad Co 5,000 5,000 

35 Masa. Ga.s Lijj;ht Companies (Pief.) . . . 3,500 2,<.)U0 

68 N. Y., N. IT. & II. R. R. Co 0,800 8, 150 

30 Nortliern R. R. (N. H.) 3,000 3,000 

3 Old Boston National Bank 300 300 

11 Old South Building Trust (Prof.) 1,100 081 

30 Union Pacific R. R. (Com.) 3,000 3,000 

16 Webster & x\tlas National Bank 1,600 1,800 

25 West End St. Ry. Co. (Pref.) 1,250 1,250 

12 Worcester Gaa Light Co 1,200 1,600 

16 Worcester National liank 1,600 1,600 

Worcester Trust Co. . . .* 600 6(J0 

Si.36,968 

Mortgage Loans. 

J. Burwick, Worcester, Mass $ 2,100 

L. L. Mellen, Worcester, Muss 1,500 

B. F. Sawyer, Worcester, Mass 3,500 

J. P. Sexton, Trustee, Worcester, Mass 8,000 

$15,100 

Real Estate.' 
Library Building $181,900 

The undersigned, Auditors of the American Aiiticiuarian 
Society, beg leave to state that the books and acc(nuits of the 
Treasurer, for the j'ear ending Septemljer 30, 1911, have been 
examined by W. "^rhane Boydcn, Accountant, and his certi- 
ficate that lliey are correct and pro]jerly vouclied is herewith 
submitted. 

The Auditors furtlier report tliat tliey have personally 
examined the securilies hekl by the Treasurer and find the 
same to be as state<l by him and the balance of cash on hand 
duly accounted for. 

(Signed) BENJAMIN THOMAS HILL, 

HENRY A. MARSH, 

Auditors. 
October 2, 19U. 



160 Ajnerican Antiqunrian Society. [Oct., 

WoucESTEu, Mass., Oct. 2, 1911. 

I hereby certify that 1 have examined the books and ac- 
counts of the Treasurer of the American Antiquarian Society, 
made up for the year ending Se])tember 30, 1911, arid find 
same, to be correct and properly vouched. 

(Signed) W. THANE BOY DEN, 

Accountanl. 



1911.] Report of the Librarinn. 161 



REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN. 



The most important feature of the work in the Hbrary 
during the past year has been the process of moving the 
collections into the new building. Only twice before 
in their history, in 1820 and 1853, had the volumes 
been subjected to such a thorough sliaking-up. Pre- 
liminary to the moving, every book was taken from the 
shelf and dusted by the va(;uum-cleaning system; the 
miscellaneous newspapers were arranged by states and 
tied in bundles; many of the photogj-aphs and engravings 
lianging on the walls were taken from the frames and 
placed in the collection of engravings; and the miscel- 
laneous pamphlets, some fifty thousand in number, 
were rearranged into three comprehensive divisions. 
The first load of books, consisting of two tons of bound 
newspapers, left the building on December 5, 1910. 
Tlie first book to be taken into the new building was a 
volume of Alabama newspapers, emphasizing, as it 
happened, the national character of this great collection of 
the journals of the various states. Day after day, for 
two months, the moving vans of the Worcester Storage 
Company were employed in taking from old Antiquarian 
Hall its century's accumulation. l^ecaus(^ of the nature 
of its collections, it was no easy task to move such a 
library as this. Pamphlets, maps, broadsides, engrav- 
ings, portraits, examples of colonial furniture — all of 
which we possess in large number — do not lend them- 
selves to such easy handling and ordej'ly transfer as do 
^ the well bound volumes usually comprising the stock of 

the average library. Yet, thanks to the carefulness 
of the persons employed, nothing was broken, and so 
far as we know, nothing was lost. The last load was 
duly placed in the new building on February 2, 1911. 



162 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

A brief description of tlie rooms in tlie now huildinp;, 
in which the Society meets for the first time to-day, will 
best show liow the collections have been |)laced and 
arranged. The rotunda room, or reading-j-oom, is i'oity 
feet in diameter and is fm-nished with four large reading 
tables. In the cases around this room is shelved the 
Society's collection of family histories and genealogical 
reference woi'ks. This has been done for two reasons, 
chiefly because this class of b(K>ks is niost frec[U(:*ntly 
asked for by strangers and visit{)j's, and furthermore 
because it contains the fewest rarities and books which 
could not be rej^laced. 

The four rooms grouped around the central room are 
the Council Roorii, the Mather Room, the Librarian's 
Room and the Cataloguing Room. The Council Room 
and the Librarian's Room have no book shelving, ])ut 
contain several examples of colonial fin-niture which 
are made useful as well as ornamental. In the Cata- 
loguing Room will be shelved the main portion of the 
bibliogrciphical collection. The Mather Room contains 
two notable groups of books — th(.^ Mather Library and 
the collection of American Bibles. In this room, nioie- 
over, behind wii'e gratings, are placed tlie ALitlier tracts 
and the rare books. 

The alcoves in the two wings are given over to special 
collections, thus perpetuating one of the interesting 
features of the old Library. In the west wing, the entire 
three alcoves are devoted to state and town history, 
comprising about 10,000 volumes. In the east wing is 
the Civil War collection, the Spanish-Americana, and 
the collection of catalogues of libraries and of booksellers. 
Each alcove is provided with a reading-table and two 
chairs and the electric chandeliers are constructed so 
as to light either the table or the room as a whole. 

The second floor is virtually a replica in design of the 
ground floor, excepting the rotunda rooin which occupies 
the full height of the building. On this floor the entire 
east wing is occupied by the Manuscrii)t Room, one of 
the largest rooms given over to sucli a purpose in the 




First Floor Flmn 



AMmcm AmwMAii Socety 



' 



1911.] Reyori of the Lihrarian. 163 

country. With its steel cases and its walls of cement 
and brick, it olTers tlie l)est possible depository for the 
many thousands of rare manuscripts whicli the Society 
possesses. The room is 40 b}^ 22 feet and has 562 run- 
ning feet of shelving. Tlie west wing contains the Map 
and Print Room. This room, 27 by 22 feet, is designed 
for the storing of maps, broadsides and engravings, and 
is equipped with narrow sliding drawers for large maps 
and engravings, and upright filijig cases for small en- 
gravings. The drawers are all fitted with dust flaps 
and should house a collection of 30,000 pieces. In the 
same wing is an almanac room, 22 by 11 feet, with 326 
running feet ' of shelving. On this floor are also the 
Exhibition Rooms, and the consulting rooms for news- 
papers and manuscripts. 

In the basement are the Bindery and the Proceedings, 
Duplicate, Janitor's, Unpacking, Storage and Boiler 
Rooms. Here also is the settling chamber into which 
fresh air is brought and the dust allowed to settle before 
being introduced into the main rooms above. 

Extending from tlie rear of the main building and con- 
nected with it by door-ways on the basement floor, 
second floor, and fourth floor levels, is the stack. It 
has five floors, or "decks," each 53 by 44 feet and 7^2 
feet high, with 24 double and four single cases, 18 feet 
long, on each floor. The stack is of the so-called " Stand- 
ard" construction, with slotted uprights, built by the 
Art Metal Construction Company, of Jamestown, N. Y. 
It has 27,000 running feet, or over 5 miles of shelves 
and is said by the oflicials of that company to be the 
largest stack of its tyjie in New England. At one end 
is an hydraulic book-lift built to carry a load of 800 
pounds. The floors are of glass. The windows in the 
stack are all of prism glass and are sealed, in order to 
admit a minimum of dust. A system of fans and ven- 
tilators provides for the change of air. 

The arrangement of the books in the stack is largely 
temporary, although the intention is to have those most 
frequently used shelved upon the second floor level. 



\ 



164 Amcricnn Antiquarian Socielij. [Oct., 

At present, the school-books, state and city documents, 
college catalogues, directories and government docu- 
ments are shelved on the fu'st floor; the early imprints 
and the main collection of books, omitting all the special 
colleclions, on the second floor; and the miscellaneous 
pamphlets, the institutional and society reports, and the 
collection of American periodicals on the third floor. 

On the two upper floors are shelved the newspapers, 
of which the library has one of the most notable collec- 
tions in the country. The fourth floor contains the 
papers of Alabama to Massachusetts, and the fifth floor 
those from Michigan to Wisconsin, with the papers of 
Canada, Mexico and Spanish America. Here the shelv- 
ing is all hoj-izontal, consisting of rollers supported by 
a strong framework, with vertical r(jlling-pins on the 
sides to keep the volumes from rubbing against the 
uprights. The capacity of these two newspaper floors 
is about 12,000 volumes. The foui-th floor of the stack 
is on the same level as the second floor of the main 
building, from which it is separated by a fireproof dooi'. 
The newspaper consulting-room is therefore witliin close 
reach of the newspaper shelves. 

The card catalogue, consisting of 340 trays, is situated 
at the entrance of the stack, l)etween tlie Librarian's 
and the Cataloguing Room. It is worthy of conunent 
that this catalogue, the key to the library, is not only in 
close proximity to the administrative rooms, but is 
within sixty feet of the majority of the books. In fact 
one of the cliief features of the building is its compact- 
ness and convenience. 

The general effect of the interior is both dignified 
and pleasing, largely due to tlie lofty, domed central 
room, to the unusually beautiful columns of Siena 
marble, and to the quiet but effective color scheme, 
' ■ which throughout is in soft shades of gray. All the 

' .' ■ new furniture, which was especially designed by F. li. 
i»- i . ■ Bacon of Boston, is mahogany. The floors are covered 
'■ 'J. with cork carpeting, thus insuring quiet. The lighting, 
' " especially in the dome, is strikingly effective, and the 



( ', i . 



1911.1 



Report of the Librarian. 



165 



lanterns at the entrance, as well as the wall lights, are 
modeled after colonial designs. 

The building fully suits the needs of a library largely 
devoted to special collections, and should easily provide 
for the growth of twenty years, at the end of which time 
additional book-stacks can be constructed in conformity 
with present plans. The total number of running feet 
of shelves in the whole building is 33,400, or over 6 
miles of shelves. If calculated at eight volumes to the 
foot, this would mean a total capacity of 267,000 vol- 
umes, or at ten volumes to the foot a capacity of 334,000 
volumes. But since two tiers of the stack, about 10,000 
running feet, are given over to newspapers, the library 
may be said to have a total capacity of 250,000 volumes. 

As might be assumed from the above account of the 
transfer and installation of the collections in the new 
building, a large amount of time has been spent in effect- 
ing the transition. Yet the routine work of the library 
has been cai-ried on and few opportunities have been 
let pass to acquire desirable volumes which we lacked. 
Tlie total number of accessions has been 2004 bound 
volumes, 2115 pamphlets, 192 miscellaneous pieces, 
such as maps, engravings and broadsides, and 2145 
unbound early newspapers. A list of donors is appended 
to this Report. 

The collection of the j)roductions of the early American 
press, to the year 1820, has received 1,571 additions. 
It has required a searcli through hiuidreds of auction 
and dealer's catalogues, and an examination of many 
consignments of books, to glean what we lacked. Among 
the more important titles noted in the accession-book 
are the first American edition of Shakespeare's works 
printed at Philadelphia in 1795-9G; two sermons by 
Cotton Mather, the Fisher-man' s Calling, and Aivaken- 
ing Thoughts on the Sleep of Death, both printed in 1712; 
the Chronicon Ephratense, printed at Ephrata, Penn., 
in 178G; the Independent Whig, published by Samuel 
Keimer at Philadelphia in 1724; and a broadside 
Manifesto issued by the King's Commissioners, October 



16G American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

3, 1778, seeking to quiet the "disorders subsisting in 
certain of the colonies in North- America, " jjrinted by 
Rivington at New York. The hbraiy is so rapidly 
increasing in this field of American imprints as to be- 
come a clearing-house of information for those interested 
along such lines of research. A bibliographer of national 
reputation, in referring to a comprehensive search which 
we had made for him in the printed literature of the 
United States of the period succeeding the Revolution, 
writes: ' "The result justifies liberally your estimate 
of one-third of everything printed in the United States, 
and largely outnumbers any other library in the world 
in the possession of works of this period." Tliis j^leas- 
ant commendation is not referred to iji any boastful 
spirit, but merely by making known our strength, to 
encourage others to use it. 

There have been no important sales of early almanacs 
during the year, and as a result but 25S of these interest- 
ing little publications have been added to the library, 
among the more valuable being a series of the Pennsyl- 
vania German almanacs from 1746 to 1799, and a collec- 
tion of early western almanacs. Thirty recent fanjily 
histories have been acquired for the genealogical collec- 
tion. The early school literature has been enriched by 
over a hundred of the school-books of the first half of 
the nineteenth (;entury, the gift of Miss Alice H. Bushee 
of Woonsocket, R. I., as well as by the purchase of a 
few rare imprints, of an earlier period. 

The additions to the newspaper collection have been 
constant, exactly 64 bound volumes and 2145 unbound 
issues of journals prior to 1870 having been acquired. 
Among the more important files are the Washington 
Federalist, 1801-1803, the Kennchunk Weekly Visiiur, 
1811-1822, the Essex Journal and New Hampshire 
Packet, 1793-1794, the Staunton (Va.) Eagle, 1807-1808, 
the Columbian Museum and Savannah Advertiser, 1802- 
1803, and the Middlesex (Coyin.) Gazette, 1811-1824. 
The lack of a special fund for newspapers handicaps us 
considerably in the effort to fill gaps in the early files and 



¥ 



4» 



-A» 



1911.] Report of the Librarian. 1G7 

to maintain adequately the current files that we now 
preserve. In spite of its impressive showing as a nation- 
al collection, this section of the lil)rary has grown with- 
out the aid of any funds devoted to its special main- 
tenance. Changes in conditions have made it impossible 
that this should continue. Either we must curtail the 
previous broad scope of acquisition, or we must raise 
a fund adequate to continue the work. The new stand- 
ards of competition in book prices have made the task 
of purchasing increasingly difficult. A library is now 
forced to buy at a good figure material which a few years 
ago could be had almost for the asking. The binding 
of papers, always so important for their preservation, 
is moreover a continuous matter of expense. It is to 
be regretted that that feature of the library which is 
among the strongest and. most valuable, should have 
the least money to maintain it. 

A notable accession to the Spanish-American collec- 
tion, and one of the largest we have ever received, has 
been the acquirement from Harvard University of the 
duplicates of the Montt library. Sehor Luis Montt, 
librarian of the National Library of "Chile, possessed a 
library which was considered the best collection of works 
on Chilean history and politics outside of the library 
of which he was in charge, and its purchase by Harvard 
University made a noteworthy addition to the stock 
of South-American books now owned in this country. 
Since Harvard already possessed a larg;e numbei- of the 
long important sets, as well as many of the rarer works, 
it became our good fortune, partly by exchange and 
partly by purchase, to share in the division of the col- 
lection. The total number of books acquired by us 
was 535, and the most important titles, subdivided into 
the classes of collections, rare and early works, and works 
on languages, are as follows: — 

Leon Fernandez, Cotcccion de documentos para la historia de 

Costa Rica, 5 vols. 
Restrepo's Historia de ta Revolxicion de Colombia, 10 vols. 
Gay's Historia de Chile, 24 vols., with Atlas. 



168 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

Pezuela's Diccionario dc Cuba, 4 vols. 

De Angelis' Obras y Documtntos relalivos a la Hidoria del 

Rio de la Pluta, vols. 
Raimomli's Peru, 3 vol.s. 
Ducurnerdus jiura la Jilsturia de Colombia, Peru y Bolivia, 14 

vols. 
Coleccion de documentos ineditos relalivos al dcseubrimifnio 

de America y Oceania, 42 vols. 
Medina's Coleccion de docurneiitos in editun para la historia 

de Chile, 12 vols., 1888-1902. 
Metlina's biLliogi-aphies of Chile, Spanisli-Anierica, Mexico, 

Manila, anil tlie Philippines. 
Barros Arana's Hidoria general de Chile, 15 vols., 18S4-18!)7. 
Andres Bello, Obras Completas, 15 vols., 1881-181)3. 
Calvo, Anales de la Revulucion de la America Laiina, 5 vols., 

18G4-1805. 
Vald6s, Ilistoria de Chile, 4 vols., 19(JU-19U3. 
Memorias de los Vireyes que han gobieniado el Peru, G vols., 

1859. 
Mitre, HisLoria de San Martin, 4 vols., 1890. 
Sebastian Muster's Cosmographiae Universalis, Libri VI, 

Basilae, 1572. 
Gonzalez de Mendoca's Las Cosas mas notables del Reyno de 

la China, lintwerp, 159G. 
Pizaro v Orellana, Varones illustres del nuevo Mundo, Madrid, 

1G39.' 
Meridoza's Chronica de S. Antonio de los Charcas en el regno 

del Peru, Madritl, 16G4. 
Piedrahita, Conquisto del nuevo reyno de Granada, Madrid, 1G88. 
Villagutierre, Ilistoria de la conquista de el Itza, en Yucatan, 

Aiadrid, 1701. 
(iarcilaso ile la Veya, Ilistoria general de Peru, Madrid, 1722. 
Oviedo y BiUios, Ilistoria de Venezuela, Madrid, 1723. 
Herrera, Ilistoria general de los Caslellunos en las islas del mar 

oceano. 9 vols., Madrid, 1730. 
Peralta Barnuevo, Lima Fundada, 2 vols., Lima, 1732. 
Frezier's Relation du voyage, Paris, 1732. 
(iareilaso de la V(?ga, I'rimera parte de los Cornnientarios de 

el 07-igen. de los Pncas, Madrid, 1735. 
Original Pajters relating to the Exi)editi(jn to Panama, London, 

1744. 
Guinilla, El Orinoco, Madrid, 1745, 2 vols. 
Villa-Senor y Sanches, Theatro Americano, 2 vols., Mexico, 

174G-1748. 
Juan and Ulloa, Relacion Idstorica, 4 vols., Madrid, 1748. 
Barcia, Ilistoriadores primitivos de las Irulias occidenlales, 

3 vols., Madrid, 1749. 



ivin. 



Report of the lAhrar'uni. 



1 m 



Tonroii, nistolre (/eneralc dc I'A /ncriqiw, l-i vol.s., Paris, 

] 708-1770. 
Stirnnento, VUuje al Edrtcho de Aliu/allditc.'^, 1579-1580. 

Madrid, 1708. 
Gazophilaciiiin. rajiu/n Pcrubicum, Matlrid, 1775. 
Muliiia, Cornpcndiu de lu hidoria del Clnli, 2 vols., INIadi-id, 

1788-1795. 
Molina, Essai sur I'histoire imturallc dit Chili, Paris, 1789. 
Molina, Sag(jio sullu Siuria uatvrale del Chili, l^olos'na, 1782. 
Campillo y Cosio, Nuevo sistcmu de (jubicrito ecoiiomico juira 

la A)neric(i, Madrid, 1789. 
Ciuniilla, llidoria dc las /luciones en rioeras del Rio Orinuco, 

2 vols., Barcelona, 1791. 
C'ladera, Investigaciones hidoricas sohre las descidirimienlos 

de las E.HpanoIes en el mar Occano, Madrid, 1794. 
Antunez y Acevedo, Meniorias subre la legislacioii ea las Indias 

Oecidentales, IMadrid, 1797. 
Nodae, Elerncnta de grainatica Quiche. Cuzco. 
I'orreo Rubio y Figueredo, Arte de la lengnu Quiche, Lima 

1754. 
Fcbres, Arte de la lengua general de Chili, Lima, 1765. 
Anchieta, Arte de la lengua -inais usada na Cosla de Brazil, 

Leipzig, 1874. 
Dionisio Aricliorena, Grarnatica QuicJte, Lima, 1874. 
Ruiz de Montoy, Arte de la lengua Guarani, 2 vols., Iveipzig, 

1870. 
V ocahulurio das pcdabras Guaranis, Rio de Janeiro, 1879. 
Castillo y Orosco, Vocabulario Faez-Caslellanu, Paris, 1877. 
Cerdena, Arte de la lengua Lule y Tonocute, Madrid, 1877. 
Figueira, Grammattca da lengua do Brasil, Leipzig, 1878. 
Rertonio, Arte de la lengua Ayinara, Lei])zig, 1879. 
Rertonio, Vocabulario de la lengua Ayinara, 2 vols., Leipzig, 

1879. 
Molina, Vocabulario de la lengua Mexicana, Leij)Zig, 1880. 
'I'liiel, Apuntes lexicograjicos de las lenguas dc los liidios de 

Costa Rica, San Jos6, 1882. 
Valdivia, Arte de la lengua dc Chile, Leipzig, 1887. 

The most important accession to the manuscript 
department has been the collection of Foster papers 
deposited by Alfred Dwight Foster of Boston. These 
comprise the Journal of Dwight Foster, 1772-1787, 
1793-1794, and 1795-1799, in three volumes, and his 
letters, 1785-1819, in live volumes. The papers of this 
early Massachusetts jurist and United States senator 
are of much histoiical and political interest, and some 



170 American Antiquarian Sociclij. [0(!t. 

day would bo well worth printing. From Mrs. Bradley 
Gilman of Canton, Mass., and Mr. lioger Foster of N(:w 
York, the library has received a large number of letters 
of Peregrine, Theodore and Dwight Foster, all of which 
go to make up a most interesting collection of documents 
pertaining to this important New England family. 

The work of calendaring and indexing the manuscripts 
was given uj) last year because of lack of funds. The 
increased usefulness of the manusci-ii)ts, as ali-eady 
manifested during the past two years, has shown the 
wisdom of making this large and important collection 
more accessible to students. 

A year ago the library was made a depository insti- 
tution for the Library of Congress cards. The appli- 
cation for this great card catalogue was made only after 
long and careful deliberation. The i)olicy of this library 
is a settled one. We aim to collect evenjihing printed 
in America, North or South, up to Lhe year 1820; since 
that date we preserve everything of importance which 
illustrates the histor^^ of American i^olitics, education, 
law, social life, literature, etc. It should be understood 
that this is not a library restricted to early Americana. 
It has large collections of Civil War literature, local 
history, education, political history, bibliograjjliy, liter- 
ary history — in short tlie whole field of Americana, in 
its broadest sense. It has strong collections of books 
j-elating to Mexico, Centi'al and South America, Canada, 
Arctic discovery, and books ])rinted in foi'eign countries 
relating to America. Nor should its manuscript col- 
lection of 1^5,000 pirces be overlooked. The overshadow- 
ing strength of the collection of earliei' imi)rints has some- 
what lessened our consideration of the importance of 
the more recent literature. Such collections as those of 
American biograpiiy (over 8,000 volumes) jisalmody, 
philately, college i)ublications, chui-ch history, travel — 
lai'gely from the press of the last fifty years, are almost 
unexploited. 

It would be a source of surprise to many to know how 
much this library is used throughout the country for 



• 1911.] Report of the fAhrarian. 171 

i 

[ bibliographical informalion. It is possibly because the 

■ nieml)ers of the Society, comprising men eminent in 

various lines of thought, use the institution and encour- 
V age others to do it; it is possibly because we pay more 

than the ordinarj' attention to such queries. Believing 
i that it is one of our most important fields to aid students 

7 who are inquiring about American printed books, ^ve have 

purchasetl mucli to strengthen the department of bibliog- 
i raphy, in order that we may supplj' information regard- 

ing a sought-for book, even if we have not the book itself. 
The greatest drawback in our research work has been 
the lack of a comprehensive bibliography of the pro- 
ductions of the American press of the past fifty years. 
We have few queries concerning the earlier printed 
books that we cannot answer from our own collections. 
^j But let a question arise regarding a recently issued book, 

or let some comprehensive bibliographical problem run 
; over the borderland of the past into the present, we are 

I generally compelled to seek the information in some 

other city. Such a defect the card catalogue of the 
Ijibrary of C'ongress w(juld supply. The national 
■^ library contains the greatest collection of Americana, 

in the broadest sense, in the country, and its cjitalogue, 
i' with perhaps three-quarters of the titles referring in 

■' some way to America, is the greatest bibliograiihical 

• aid to an Amei'ican library. 

^' The depository set of the Library of Congress cards, 

: as sent to the Society last year, contained about 450,000 

; cards, and about 40,000 cards are added annually. Our 

1 method of filing the cards is both economical and ex- 

j pansive. They are aiianged in metal trays, each hold- 

' ing 1,600 cards, which are placed on the shelves of the 

j first section of the stack on the main floor. By giving 

i up a book capacity of 4,000 volumes, we obtain the space 

' to file 1,600,000 cards, suflicient to cover the increase 

of twenty-five years. The cases, moreover, are within 
a few feet of our own card catalogue. The use we have 
already had of these Library of Congress cards shows 
that their value has not been overestimated. 



^^ 



172 Arnerican Antiquarian Socicti/. [Oct., 

The Society has pubh^hed vohinie 12 of the Tran- 
sactions (the lio.yal Pi-oclainations) aiul two luiinhers of 
Proceedings during the year. By vote of the Council, 
the Transactions are to be distributed hereafter free to 
all members. Beginning with the issue for April, 1911, 
(vol. 21, no. l),'eacli voliuue of Proceedings will contain 
two numbers, instead of tliree, as formerly. This will 
cause more convenience in the binding, as each volume 
will contain the proceedings (jf a year and not lap over 
into the year following. Articles upon the new building 
have been published in several periodicals and news- 
papers, notably the Worcester Magazine for February, 
1911, and the Boston Globe for February 5, 1911. During 
the year two volumes have appeared which have been 
published, wholly or in part, from maiuiscri])ts in the 
Society's possession. The first volume of the Diary 
of Cotton Mather, 1681-1708, printing the original diaries 
owned partly by this .Society, has been issued by the 
Massachusetts Historical Society. The Historical So- 
ciety has generously furnished us with 121 copies for 
distribution among our own members. The Diary of 
Williatn Bentley, vol. 3, 1803-1810, has been published 
by the Essex Institute from manuscripts in oui' ])osses- 
sion. This journal, although almost entirely one of local 
interest to Essex County, contains many references 
throwing light upon Dr. Bentley's subseciuent gifts 
to the Antiquarian Society. The following ([notation, 
dated August 16, 1804, is an instance: '"After proper 
visits I spent a few hours in Dr. Mather's Library. Still 
without a catalogue, T could only gratify my curiosity 
as some accident might tempt me. But I find it dimin- 
ishes. I was indulged with specimens of the Sermons 
of the Four American Mathers in succession, Richard, 
Increase, Cotton & Samuel. And I took such speci- 
mens of the hand writing of the Boston & other Clergy 
as I had liberty to select. This was once the largest 
private Library in America. The heads of Richard, 
Increase, Cotton, Samuel of America, & of Samuel of 
Dublin, & of Nathaniel of London yet remain, but their 



1911.] Report of the Librarian. 1 73 

situation does not promise; their long preservation. Tiiat 
of Kichard will soon be gone. It agrees as well as possi- 
ble with my block print. That of Increase, in his old 
age, is a good picture & was called a likeness. Of 
Cotton the portrait much resembles Samuel, whom I 
intimately knew, but of Samuel's I cannot see & the 
family does not acknowledge the least resemblance. 
The others were probal^ly great likenesses as they were 
taken upon the spot where the best ai'tists dwelt. My 
small Increase is taken from the full length in the His- 
torical Society's collection, & that was taken while 
Increase was abroad on Colonial affairs in England, 
& was out of health. " 

In the two exhibition cases on the second floor, will 
occasionally be shown exhibitions of rare books or prints. 
In April an exhibit of early Bibles was made, in com- 
memoration of the south anniversary of the birth of the 
King James version. From our own collections, a 
representative number of incunaljiila and early English 
translations, and an almost complete showing of early 
Amcj'ican Bibles, was displaj'cd. As a matter of record, 
the list of volumes exhibited is here given: 

Manusciupt Bible. 13th Century. 

Latin Bible, 1476. Printed at Venice by llailljnin and 
Frankfordia, initial letter.s drawn \)y hand. Thi.s copy 
owned by Increase and Cotton Matlier. The first dated 
Bible with printers' signatures was issuetl in 1470. 

Latin Bible, 1478. Printed at Venice by Leonardus Vuild. 
Initial letters never made for this copy. Old binding with 
brass bosses, and with clasps at top and bottom as well 
as .sides. 

Latin Bible, 1487. Printed at Venice by Ceorgius de Kiva- 
benis. 

The Chanmeu Bible. Printed at London by Richard Graf- 
ton, April 1540. Prologue written by Archbishop Crannier. 

New Testament, 1520. Latin Translation by Frasnius, 
printed at Antwerp by M. Hillenius. 

Latin Bibi^e, 1550. Printed at Lyons by Joannes Frellonius. 
Gift of Daniel Wilhird to Samuel Mather. 

Latin Bible, 1583. Printed at Antwerp by Christopher 
Plantin. 



174 A/aerican Antiquarian Socicltj. [Oct., 

Polyglot New Testament. Compiled by Elias Ilutterus in 
12 hinguages. Printed at Nui-eiiil)eig, 1599. 

The Genevan Version, or "ikjEECuEs" Bible. First 
printed 15G0; tlus edition {)rinted 1599. So called from uye 
of word "breeches" in Genesis, iii. 7. 

The Blsuop's Hiule. First printed 15GS; this edition printed 
1598 (?). Translated l)y .several Itlnglish bishops, under 
supervision of Archbishop Parker. Often called the 
"Treacle liible" from the phrasing of Jeremiah, viii. 22. 

The KiNCi James, or Authorized Version. First printed 
IGll; this edition printed 1G13. Translated l)y forty-seven 
Biblical scholars. Dedicated to King James I. 

Bay Psalm JjOOK, IGIO. The first book printed in colonial 
America. 

Eliot I^ible, Cambridge, 1GG3. Translated into Indian 
language by Rw. John Illliot. The first Bible printed in 
America. 

Eliot Indian Bible. 2nd edition, Cambridge, 1685. 

The Sauu Bible, 1743. Printed at Germantown by Chr. 
Saur. The second l^ible printed in America, and the first 
in a European language. Subsequent editions printed in 
1763 and 1776. 

Mark Baskett Bible, 1706. Interesting because of the 
tradition, first repeated by Isaiah 'riiornas, that a Bible 
was covertly printed at Boston about 1752 with the inrprint 
of Mark Baskett of London. 

The Aitken Bible, 1782. Printed by Robert Aitken at 
Philadelphia. I'he third Bible printed in America, and the 
first in the English language. 

The Young Bible, ]79(). Printed by Wm. Young at Phila- 
delphia. The fourth Bible printed in America. 

Baskeuville Bible, 1769. Printed at Birmingham by John 
Ba.skerville. Comparison will show that this volume served 
as the model for the printing of Thomas' folio Bible. 

The Thomas Bible, 1791. Printed by Isaiah Thomas at 
Worcester. The sixth Bible printed in America and the 
first folio edition in English. A remarkable piece of print- 
ing which caused Franklin to call Thomas " the Baskerville 
of America." 

The Thomas Quarto Bible, 1791. 

The Colli-ns Bible, 1791. Printed l)y Isaac Collins at Tren- 
ton. The seventh Bible printed in America. 

Hieroglyphic Bible. Printed by Isaiah Thomas at Wor- 
cester 1788. 

Greek New Testament, 1800. Printed by Isaiah Thomas, 
Jun., at Worcester and edited by Caleb Alexander. The 
first Greek Testament in America. 



1911.] Report uf Die Librarian. 175 

The space given over to exhibition and museum puj- 
poses has been made more subortlinate tiian in tlie old 
building. During its early days, the Society, being one 
of the few in the country devoted to antiquarian objects, 
was presented with many relics which to-day would more 
approjiriately be placed in some other institution. By 
the end of the first half-century of its life, it had accu- 
mulated a strange collection of relics and curios, \vhich 
was not complete or comprehensive in any one line, and 
which from its very lack of strength incited the curiosity 
of the chancc! visitor ratluM- than the inspection of the 
student. Gradually, the officers of the Society realized 
that a national Society, which did not pretend to muse- 
um activity, was not the proper custodian of all these 
relics. In 1877, an Indian mummy which had been 
taken from a cave in Kentucky was placed with other 
remains of the same kind in the Smithsonian Institution. 
In January, 1886, according to a vote of the Council 
of March, 1884, a number of relics, chiefly the wearing 
apparel of native races and other curios of a perishiible 
nature, were transferred to the Peabody Museum. At 
the same time a fe'w relics of Worcester interest were 
placed in The Worcester Society of Antiquity museum. 
In 1892 the Council voted that "the attention of Prof. 
Frederic W. Putnam be called to the collection in the 
cabinet, with a view and with permission to select a 
portion for the Peabody Museum of Amei'ican Archae- 
ology and Ethnology, to decide if others should remain 
with us, and to olfe]- the residue to The Worcester Society 
of Anticiuity." These transfers were made, the Society 
retaining only a few Yucatecan relics and Indian imj:)le- 
ments. In 1910 the library connnittee, acting upon 
authority given them by a vote of the Council of Sep- 
tember, 1908, transferred to the Peabody Museum of 
Harvard University the remainder of the ethnological 
and archaeological relics contained in the four glass 
cases in the main hall of the old buildings, receiving in 
return $450 for the purchase of the British Museum 
Catalogue. During the year, the statues of Christ 



176 Arncrican Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

and of Moses were placed respectively in the Art Museum 
and tlie County Court House, and the cast of the Labna 
portal deposited, with the permission of the donor, Mr. 
Edwai'd IT. Thompson, with the National Museum at 
AVashington. The Societ}^ luxs retained several impor- 
tant historical relics for (exhibition purposes, and values 
most highly its line specimens of colonial furniture 
which help to make the building attractive. It should 
give us a feeling of satisfacti(jn to have all these relics, 
comparatively few in munber, unarranged and worth- 
less for comprehensive study, deposited in institutions 
which can make real use of them. With the growth of 
libraries and collections all over the country, each insti- 
tution nmst endeavor to specialize along certain lines 
and must realize the futility of scattering its energies. 

Respectfully submitted, 

CLARENCE S. BRIGHAM, 

Librarian. 



ID 1 1.1 



Gi 



ivers. 



177 



f 



<3iv>er6. 



Adams, Charles F. 
Anderson, Joseph. 
Baldwin, Simeon E. 
Barton, Edmund M. 
Bates, All^ert C. 
Brif^ham, Clarence 8. 
Buiton, Clarence M. 
Chase, Charles A. 
Davis, Andrew McF. 
Dexter, Franklin B. 
Dow, George F. 
Fish, Carl R. 
Garcia, Genaro. 
Gilbert, Edward H. 
Green, Samuel A. 
Green, Samuel S. 
Haynes, George il. 
Hill, Benjamin T. 
Jameson, J. Franklin. 
Kinnicutt, Lincoln N. 
Kittredge, George L. 
Kna]jp, Shepherd. 



MEMBBRS. 



Leon, Nicolas. 
Lincoln, Waldo. 
Loubat, Joseph F. 
Matthews, Albert. 
Motire, Clarence B. 
Nelson, William. 
Nichols, Charles L. 
Paine, Nathaniel. 
Paltsits, Victor H. 
Penaliel, Antonio. 
Rice, Franklin P. 
Rugg, Arthur P. 
Saville, Marshall H. 
Smith, Justin H. 
Stearns, Ezra S. 
"^J'homas, Allen C. 
Turner, Frederick J. 
Updike, D. Berkeley. 
Utiey, Samuel. 
Vignaud, Henry. 
Wlnship, George P. 
Woods, Henry E. 



NON-MEMBEHa. 



Aldrich, Nelson W. 

Arnold, Allen. 

Bates, Theodore C. 

Bicknell, Thouias W. 

Boone, Frances B. 

Borman, William L. 

Busliee, Alice H. 

Bushnell, Fordis O. 

Gary, Seth C. 

Chase-Chace Family Association. 

Clark, John C. L. 



Colegrove, Frank. 
Colegrove, Louise. 
Colegrove, William. 
Crane, .\lbert. 
Crawford, Earl of. 
Crockett, Walter IL 
Cundall, Frank. 
Davies, Thomas F. 
DeMenvil, Alexander N. 
Depew, Chauncey M. 
Drovsne, Henry R. 



178 



American Anliquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



Duff, A. Wiluier. 
Duniing-Lawrencc, >Sir Etiwiii. 
Everett, Oliver H. 
Evvell, Arthur W. 
Fitz-Roy, Sir Alineric. 
Forbea, Mrs. William T. 
Fox, Irving P. 
Gilman, Mrs. Bradley. 
Green, Waller C. 
liagernian, llerheit .1. 
Harris, Henry F. 
Hart, Charles H. 
Heye, George G. 
Hines, George H. 
Ho ad ley, George E. 
Hodges, Alinon D,, Jr. 
Hulbert, Areher B. 
Huunewell, James M. 
lies, George. 
Jenkins, Charles F. 
Jones, Matt B. 
Kielin, Ohve A. 
King, Horatio C. 
Kittredge, George L. 
Kurtz, Alice W. 
Lane, Dr. Jennie T. 
Lawton, ATrs. S. E. Reed. 
Leete, William A. 
Leland, Herbert M. 
Logan, James. 
Lombard, Herbert E. 
Mann, George C. 
Marble, Mrs. Charles F. 
Marsden, Victor E. 
Mcserve, Frederick H. 
Miller, William S. 



Morrison, Noah F. 
Munson, Myi'on. 
Nichols, Arthur IL 
Nutt, Charles. 
0]Ji3enheini, Samuel. 
Paine, Russell S. 
Patrick, Lewis S. 
Porter, Robert P. 
Potter, Edgar. 
Ranger, Walter E. 
Reed, William H. 
Reynolds, Mrs. Henry A. 
Rider, Sidney S. 
Rivet, Paul. 
Samson, William H. 
Sanborn, John P. 
Sa.xe, John W. 
ScholT, Wilfred H. 
Shuw, Jo.se|ih A. 
Spooner, Mrs. J. C. 
Stedman, Henry F. 
Stoeckel, Carl. 
Thomas, Mrs. Cyrus. 
Thompson, Sla.sou. 
Turner, John II. 
Underliill, Mrs. Loni A. W. 
Ware, Horace E. 
Warren, Fred D. 
Warren, John G. 
Westervelt, W. D. 
While, Mrs. Caroline E. 
Wilber, Mrs. Joshua. 
Wing, William A. 
Wire, George E. 
Witter, Mi.ss R. 
Woodward, Lemuel ¥. 



INSTITUTIONS AND SOCIETIES 

Abbot Academy. 

Academic Royale d'ArcheoIogie de Belgique. 

Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadcl[jhia. 

Academy of Sciences of St. Louis. 

Alabama Historical Society. 

Albany Law School. 

American Acadeniy of Arts and Sciences. 

American Association for International Concihation. 



I'J] 



Giocr 



s. 



79 



Ainerican Baptist Missionary Union. 

American Boanl of CAjnuuissionerB for Foroigu RlisHiuMn. 

American Catholic ni«toricaI Society. • 

American Col(jnization Society. 

Amei'ican Cieo^ra])liii:al Society. 

American Irish Historical Society. 

Ainerican I.ilu'ury Association. 

American Oriental Society. 

American Philosophical Society. 

American Seamen's Friend Society. 

American Society for Judicial Settlement of liiteiaational DisiJutetJ. 

American Statistical Association. 

Amlierat College. 

Andovcr Theological Seminary. 

Australian Museum. 

Bay State llititorical League. 

Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze. 

Bibliotheque de rUnivcrsite Royale d'Uppsala. 

Boston Board of Health. 

Boston Cemetery De|)artment. 

Boston City IIoBpiial. 

Boston, City of, 

Boston Port and Seamen'a Aid Society. 

Boston Public Library. 

Boston Registry Department. 

iio.ston Transit Commission. 

Boston University. 

liostonian Society. 

Bowdoin College. 

Brockton Public Library. 

Brooklinc Public; Liljrary. 

Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences. 

lirooklyn Public Library. 

Jirown University. . ;, 

Buenos Aires, Univeisidad de. 

Buffalo Historical Socieiy, 

Buffalo I'ublic Library. 

Bunker Hill Monument Association. 

California Stale Library. 

California State Treasurer. 

California, University of. 

Cambridge Anticjuarian Society. 

Cambridge; Historical Society. 

Cam!)ridge University. ,■ 

Canada Department of Mines. 

Canadian Institute. 

Carnegie Institution of Washington. 



180 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

Chicago Historical Society. 

Chii!ago School of Civics and rhilaiitliropy. 

Chicago, Univcisily of. 

Chicago and Noi(h Wcsiciii R. 1{. Company. 

Cincinnati I'lililic Jabi-ary. 

Clai'k University. 

Colgate University. 

Colonial Society of Massacluisetts. 

Colorado, University of. 

Cohimhia University. 

Coniision Protectora de IJihlioteca Populares, yVrgentiua. 

Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. 

Connecticut Historical Society. 

Connecticut Society of Colonial Wars. 

Connecticut Society of Sons of the American Revolution. 

Connecticut State l^ibrary. 

Cornell University. 

Dartmouth College. 

Davenport Academy of Sciences. 

Dedham Historical Society. 

Detroit Public Library. 

Direccion General de Estadistica y Estadios Gcograticos, La Paz. 

Dorchester ILstorical Society. 

Enoch Pratt P'ree Library. 

Essex Institute. 

Facultad de Filosolia y Letras, Buenos Aire^. 

Fairmount Park Association. 

Field Museum of Natural History. 

Fitchburg, City of. 

Fitchburg Historical Society. 

Fitchburg Public Library. ^ . ' . 

Fitchbuig Sentinel Printing Comi)any. 

Geographical Society of Philadelphia. 

Georgia Historical Society. 

Groton Public Library. 

Hartford Liieological Seminary. 

Harvard University. 

Haverhill Public library. 

Helena Public Library. 

Historical Association of London. 

Historischer Verein der Obertalz und Regensburg. 

Hyde Park Historical Society. 

Illinois Association (Apposed to Woman SulTrage. 

Illinois State Historical Society. ' 

Illinois State Library. 

Illinois, University of. 

Indiana State Library. 



1911-1 



Givers. 



181 



Institute Medico Nacional de Mexico. 

International Bureau of American Republics. 

Iowa Historical Department. 

Iowa State Ilistorical Society. 

Jersey City Public Library. 

John Carter Krown Library. 

John Crerar Library. 

Johns Hopkins University. 

Lake Mohawk Conference. 

Library of Congress. 

Long Island Historical Society. 

Los Angeles Public Library. 

Louisiana Historical Society. 

Loyal Legion Library. 

Lynn Historical Society. 

Maine Historical Society. 

Manchesler Historic Association. 

Maryland Peace Society. 

Maryland State Historical Society. 

Ma.ssachusetts, Commonwealth of. 

Massachusetts General Hospital. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Massachusetts Medical Society. 

Ma.ssachusetts Public Record Connaission. 

Massachusi;tts Secretary of State. 

Massachusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants. 

Massachusetts State Board of Health. 

Massachusetts State Library. 

Mattatuck Historical Society. 

Messenger Printing and Publishing Company. 

Michigan, University of. 

Milwaukee Public Library. 

Minnesota Historical Society. 

Mississippi Historical Society. 

Mississippi Valley Historical Association. 

Missouri Historical Society. 

Missouri, University of. 

Museo de La Plata. 

Museo Nacional de Mexico. 

Museum fur Volkerkunde zu Leipzig. 

Nashville, University of. 

National Monetary Commission. 

National Society of tlie Daughters of the American Revolution 

Natuhistorische Gesellschatt in Nurenburg. 

Nebraska Historical Society. 

Nevada, University of. . . • . , • 

New Bedford Public Library. . 



r 



182 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

New Hiuiiawick lliBtoriciil iSooic^ty. 

New Erifilaud IlidLoric Geiieiilf)gical Society. 

New England iSociet.y in tlic City of New York. 

New Hampshire Ilistorical Society. 

New ilampsliire State Library. 

New Haven Colony Historical Society. 

New Jersey Historical Society. 

New Jersey State Library. 

New York Academy of Sciences. 

New York ConiniiKsion on Archives of the P. E. Church. 

New York Evening Fv^t. 

New York Genealogical and Biognqthical Society. 

New York Historical Association. 

New York Peace Society. 

New York Public Library. 

New York State Education Department. 

New York State Historical Society. ' ' ' 

New York State Library. 

New York, University of tlie State of. 

Newport Historical Society. 

North Carolina, University of. 

Nova Scotia ln.ititute of Science. 

Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal. 

Oberlin College. 

Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society. 

Ohio Historical and Philoaoijhical Society. 

Ohio, University of. ' 

Oklahoma Historical Society. 

Oklalioma, llniversity of. 

Oregon Historical Society. 

Peabody Historical Society. 

Peabody Institute of Baltimore. 

Peabody Museum of American Archaeology. 

Pennsylvania Historical Society. 

Pennsylvania Society of New York. 

Pennsylvania, University of. 

Philadelpliia Library Company. 

Phillips Academy. 

Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association. 

Portland Board of Trade. 

Pratt Institute Free Library. 

Princeton University. 

Providence Public Ijibrary. 

Quebec Literary and Historical Society. 

RadclilTe College. 

Re-organized Cliiir(-ii of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 

Rhode Island Historical Society. 



1911. 



Givers, 



183 



Rhodu Island Library AHSociatioii. 

llhode Island .State Board of lioulth. 

Rhode Island Stale Library. 

Rosenberg Library, Galveston. 

Royal Academy of liello Lettres, Stockholm. 

Royal Historical Society. 

Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 

Royal Society of Canada. 

St. Louis Mercantile Library Association. 

St. Louis I'ublic library. 

Salem Public Library. 

Scribner's, Charles, Sons. 

Sharon Historical Society. 

Smithsonian Institution. 

Smythe, A. H., and Co. 

Socictd d'ArcheoIogie de Bruxelleo. 

Society dc (jeograjjliie de Paris. 

Society des Americanistes de Paris. 

Societc Historique Fraiico-Americaine. 

Societd Nationalc des Antiquaires de France. 

So(!ietc Portugaise de Sciences Naturelles, Lisbon. 

Society for Nautical Research, London. 

Societ}' of Anticiuaries of London. 

South Carolina Historical Society. 

Southern Historical Society. 

Springfield Citj' Jjiljrary. 

Swedish American Historical Society. 

Swedish Colonial Society. 

Syracuse Public Library. 

Te.xas State Historical Association. 

Ticonderoga Pulp and Paper Company. 

To])s("ield Historical Society. 

Toronto, University of. 

Trenton Public Library. 

Union Pacific Railroad Company. 

United States Brewers' A.ssociation. 

ynited States Bureau of American Ethnology. 

United States Bureau of the CensuB. 

United States Bureau of Education. 

United States Department of Commerce and Labor. 

United States Departmi-nt of the Interior. 

United States Department of War. 

United States Superint<,'ndent of Dociunents. 

Vermont Historical Society. 

Vermont State Library. 

Virginia Historical Society. 

Virginia State Library. 



1^ 



184 Aincric(tn Arili(jnarlari Society. fOcit., 

Warrco Academy of Sciences. 
Washinglon Univer.sity State Historical Society. 
Wesleyan University. 
, Wigg, E. S. and Son. 
Wisconsin Aeadi-niy of Ails and Sciciic(.'s. 
Wisconsin Historical Society. 
Worcester Art Museum. 
Worcester ]^oard of Health. 
Worcester Board cf Park Comnii.ssionei's. 
Worc(!Stcr Board of Trade. 
Worcester, C!i1y of. 
Worcester City ]Joh])ital. 
Worcester Guzctk. 

Worcester Natural History Society. ' • '\ 

Worcester Polytechnic Institute. 
Worcester Public Library. 
W''orcester Society of Aijli(|uity. 
Worcester Telegram. 

Worcester County Horticultural Societ)'. 
A¥orcester County Baw Library. 
Worcester County Musical A.ssocial ion. 
Yale University. 



1911, 



New EvglamVs Place in Witchcraft. 



185 



NEW ENGLAND'S PLACE IN TJIIO ilLSTORY 
OF WrrCHCRAFT 



BY GEOKGE LINCOLN BURR 



It is HOW more tlian twenty years since I reached the 
threshold of this tlieme. Happily it was to learn in 
time its perils. I was aljoiit to read before the American 
Historical Association a paper on "'riie Literature of 
Witchcraft" and my fj-iend Mr. Justin Winsor natu- 
rally guessed that it must touch upon New England's 
share. "Don't be afraid," he encouraged me, "to say 
just what you please. If Poole pitches into you, I'll 
come to your support." 

But what I had then to say about New England C(juld 
give offense not even to Mr. Poole. The .Salem panic 
was dismissed with a single sentence as "but tlie last 
bright flicker of the ghastly glare which had so long made 
hitleous the European night," and in apology for ignoring 
the literature of American witchcraft I pleaded that in 
such a presence it would be a work of supererogation, if 
not an impertinence, to treat that literature Avith the 
brevity its place in tlie history of the delusion would 
demand. Perhaps these words satisfied even Mr. 
Poole that thus far I was no partisan. At any rate, 
though more than once it was my privilege to discuss 
with him New England witchcraft, he remained, like 
Mr. Winsor, till death my friend. 

Till now I have been too wise to skirt the theme again. 
But age has brought temerity. Much as has been writ- 
ten, and well written, on the New England episode, no 
student has yet devoted a paper to its place in the his- 
tory of witchcraft as a whole. Yet perhai)s I .should 



180 American A nllquarian Socicli/. [Od., 

not even now attempt it, had not two studies, t)oth by 
members of our society and read Ijefoi'e its meetinji;s, 
done mucli to pave the way. in 1805 l'rofess(jr Justin 
Winsor himself, in a paper on "Tlie Ijiterature of 
Witchcraft in New England,"' not only much moi-e than 
nuide good what my own essay had lacked, but l)rought 
to light many ;i channel through wliich the thought- of the 
old England told upon the new; and iti I'JOt) a yoimger 
colleague of his and ours, ProfGssoj' (leorge Lyman 
Kittredge, in a papei- bearing the modest title; of ''N(jtes 
on Witchcraft,"'^ went much furtlier. All(>ging the an- 
tiquity and llie uiii\irsality <jf belief in witchcraft, h. 
pointed out more fully than had hithcj'to been done; tlie 
relations of New JOngland thought to h^nglish, tlie 
intelligibility of tlie sujjersLition, the complexity of the 
problem on both sitles of the sea, the inadequacy of its 
explanation by Puritanism or by pedantry, the relative 
slightness and transiency of the VSalem episode; and, 
with the keen eye of the practised critic, he swei)t away 
a host of niisstatements and exaggerations which have 
distorted the story. It is a service for which every 
lover of New Eriglandmust be grateful; and, though there 
is much more to say and sorue things which I could have 
wished said otherwise, I could liardly, had lie stopi)ed 
with this, hav(^ caix'd to add a worth But when, in 
the generous zeal of his apology, lie i)i'Oceeded to lay 
down a body of theses whicli declare the belief in witch- 
craft "practically imiversal in the seventeenth century, 
even among the educated," and "no more discreditable 
to a man's head or heart than it was to ludieve in spcju- 
taneous genei-ation or to be ignorant of the germ theory 
of disease," and which pronounce "the {josition of the 
seventeenth-centmy believers in witchcraft" . . . 
"logically and theologically stronger" than that of 
their opponents, and "the impulse to put a witch to 
death" "no more cruel or otherwise blameworthy, in- 
itself, than the impulse to put a murderer to death," 

' ProceediiiKa, N. S., Vol. X, pp. 351-373. " ■ • 

' I'roeoL'diugd, N. S., Vol. XV'IU, pp. 1-48-212. 



1911.] N(mi Knglmul'.s Phicc in \Vilchcnifl. 187 

he reached results so stnrtlhiji;Iy new, so contradictory 
of what my own lifelong study in this field has seemed 
to teacli, so unconfirmed f)y the furtlier research to 
vvhic^h his words have stirred, and withal so much 
more generous to our ancestors than I can lind it in 
my conscience to deem fair, that I sliould Ije less than 
honest did I not seize this earliest opportimity to share 
with you the reasons for ]ny doubts — aye and to suggest 
a reading of history whicdi, without undue harshness 
to the past, may leave it more inteUigibie how the pres- 
ent could honestly come to be. 

If such a ])]'otest be anywhere in place, it is surely 
here. And if even he]-(> it seem too frankly polemic, 
I let me plead that to take another's woik so seriously 

/ is the best tribute to its weight, and to.olTer one's own 

f in return the best gr-atitude for its hejp. In any case 

I could hardly cUverge more widely from my predecessor 
than did he from his; and, so sweeping are his conclu- 
sions, any later study must (ihoose l^'tween the disrev 
spect of silence and the frankness of debate.^ 

iAnd if to any here it seem treason to those who made 
New England to dissent fi'om aught that can be urged 
I in their praise, bear witii me while I i)lead tliat, despite 

I my l>irth and houjc in the wilds beyond the Hudson, 

I tliei'e flows in my own veins none but New England 

i blood; that that blood is almost wholly Puritan; that 

T the English county which I l)elievc the; home of those 

who bore my name was that most deeply stained by 
this sujjerstition; that the first who brought that name 
acri)ss the sea inust at Springheid have had some part 
(though I trust it is only Dr. Holland's imagination that 
in The Bay Path gives him so large part) in the earliest 
New England witch-trial known to us in its details; 
that a few years later, at Fairfield, his son John Bun, 
my f(jrebear, with Abigail his wife, had part unquestion- 

^ Perhaps I ahould not fail to add tliiit tlio debate indeed has been opened by 
himeclf; for it is to qiie.stioija involved in what bib paper (else over-generou.s to my 
own) calls "the error into whicli I'rofeaaor Uurr haa fallen" that the present study 
13 cliietly devoted. 



•188 Avicyicati A)iti(ju(inaii Socictij. [Oct., 

able in yiicli i)r(>c('tHlings; and that my other traditions 
are niaiiily of hke ancestry and of a hk(; ancestral faith. 
Yet, to nie, to luge in defense of those who in the 
seventeentli century — in New Ktigland oi' elsewhere — 
hung womei> as witclies that tlie belief in witchcraft 
is universal seems a juggling with words. That belitjf 
which in the seventeenth century caused women to be 
done to death was never universal — in ]jlace or time. 
Let us deliiie our terms. To assei't or to deny anything 
whatever of witchcraft without a definition is to talk 
in the air: the word has had widely different meanings. 
When we affirm tlie universality of witchcraft oj' of 
the belief in it, it is in a sense which neither the etymology 
nor the history of that word sufhces to exi)lain. Oidy 
by analogy has its ineaiiing ga/iiied so wide an apj)lica- 
tion;and, unless I err as to Avhat the anthroijologists teach 
us, it is only in a sense that would make it inclusive of 
both religion and magic that witchcraft can be demon- 
strated universal. If, however, we discriminate be- 
tween religion and magic, understanding by magic the 
art of winning supernatural aid, not by submission or 
persuasion, but by huirum cleverness or lore, and if 
then witchcraft be identified with magic, as is often 
done, we shall still, I fear, have fallen short of an excuse 
for its repn^ssion. But if, as is most conunon of all, 
we make witchcraft to mean "black magic" alone — 
and this is clearly what Professor Kittredge does, since 
lie counts malejicvum, harm to others, its essence — we 
come up against a difficulty not less grave. For to the 
devotees of a religion not only the users of black magic, 
nay not only all the visers of magic, be it l;)lack or white, 
seem to employ illicit aid against their fellows; l)ut, so 
fierce is the struggle for existence, tlie useis of a rival 
religion are almost sure to be confused with these. And 
if the religion be monotheistic and claim monojioly, 
then presto all other gods and all other worshij:>s are 
branded with the stigma. Now, from almost or ciuite 
the first, this was precisely the attitude of Christianity, 
both toward all magic and toward all pagan faiths. 



191 



New England's Place in Wilchcrajl. 



180 



i 



f 



She did not deny tlie existence of gods other tluui her 
God. She did not deny tliem ]jower. She denied tlieni 
only goodness. They were "hcnds," and (hose who 
sought tlieir aid, for whatever end, by wliat(iver means, 
were ahke guilty of witch ej'aft. For now it is that we 
first meet that word. It belonged alone to our English 
forefathers, and befoi-e they were Christians they seem 
to have meant by it nothing evil. The word "witch," 
if scholars arc; riglit, is but a worn form of the wortl 
"witega, " by which the Christian translators oi that 
earliest day rendertxl into their own English the sacred 
name of "prophet." It can at first have implied in 
those who were known by it no graver fault than wisdom. 
Christianity it was that degraded it to a meaning wholly 
bad, the awful shadow of her awesome light, including 
within it not only all sire learned to know of English 
heathendom, but darkening yet more the notion v.'ith 
all she remembered of Hebrew or Gi'eek or Roman 
superstitions — for to her the Devil, like Cod, was one. 

Yet all this was but the germ of her full-grown idea 
of witchcraft. A change more fundamental Avas in store. 
Thus far there was reality in the things she fought. 
However she might confuse thern or exaggerate, the old 
superstitions were not dead. But a mass of them she 
had from the first despised or laughed away; and under 
her stern teaching their survivals fell ever n)ore and 
more into neglect. As the danger lessened, her own 
bearing wisely grew less stern. The growing Canon 
Law punished now a practice, now the belief in it, and 
presently forgot to i)unish at all. However now and 
then superstition might well up in violence from the 
masses, it looked for a time as if under the enlighten- 
ing care of Church and State its most cruel terroi's might 
be outgrown. 

Alas, what was swept out at the door cre])t in at the 
key-hole. The old ideas had found an anchorage in 
theology. The old names still lived on. As oin- fathers 
brought with them over the sea memories of robin or 
partridge, and their children, grown familiar with the 



190 Aincrictui Antiquarian Society. [0(;t., 

word, must somehow find a thing to wear tlic name, so 
then the teachers of that docile age worked into the 
patchwork of llioii' school theology these tatters of the 
past. The superstitions of the lowly may be met by 
education; but who sliall save us from the su])erstitions 
of tlie learned? Tlic long and complex history through 
which witchcraft came to mean wliat it meant to Chris- 
tian J'Jurope irom tlie foiu'teenth century to the seven- 
teenth, I nmst not here rehearse. Sulhce it that that 
meaning had gi'own definite and fixed — formulated and 
prescribed by school and court and |)ulpit — and that 
none were so strenuous in insisting on that definition, 
so hot in denying the identity of this their witchcraft 
with any other, as were the witch-haters themselves. 
Nor were tliey wrong; for to write of robin or of partridge 
and ignore the change which lias made the words mean 
one thing in Old Jilngland and another in New would 
be less misleading than to ignore the change wliicli had 
come in the meaning of witclicraft — a change from ob- 
jective to subjective — from the deed of a culprit to the 
dream of an inquisitor. 

I do not mean, of course, that there was no intelligible 
chain of thought between the older meanings iuid the 
new. I do not mean that there W(n'e not, then as now, 
those who confused the two. I do not mean that men 
and women were not sometimes brought into suspicion 
of witchcraft in the new sense by some dealing with 
witchcraft in the old. I mean only tluit the witchcraft 
for which during these centuries men and won»en were 
punished by church and state was a theological fantasy, 
and that for any sort of witchcraft known befoi-e the 
advent of this theological conception men and women 
would no more have been done to death in seventeenth- 
century Salem than in Salem of to-day. This is what 
I meant when in that old paper I wrote: "Magic . . . 
is actual and universal; . . . but witchcraft never 
was. It was but a shadow, anightmai-e: the nightmare 
of a religion, the shadow of a dogma. Less than five 
centuries saw its bii'th, its vigor, its decay." 



1 '.)!].] 



New EiuiUukVs Place in Witchrnifl. 



Later rcseaix'li, at least, has but confirmed these words. 
Joseph Flanseu, the eminent (ierman schohu' wlio lias 
since given tlie world the most careful book on the 
rise of this concej)tioii,' would narrow its period yet 
more closely than 1. iVnd Mr. Lea, from whom, after 
a lifetime's study of this subject, we hoped tiie most 
learned of all books upon it, wrote in 1907 in one of those 
chapters of his great histories of the Lupiisition which 
may remain our only substitute foj' tliat unfinished 
work: "The culmination of sorcery was witchcraft 
and yet it was not the same. . . . The witch has aban- 
doned Christianity, has renounced her baptism, has 
worshipped Satan as her God, has surrendered herself 
to him, body and soul, and exists only to be his instru- 
ment. . . . There aie no pages of Eui-opean history 
more filled with horror than those which record the 
witch-madness of three (Hmturics, from the fifteenth to 
the eighteenth ; . . . [and] this witch-madness was essen- 
tially a disease of the imagination, created and stimulated 
by the persecution of witchcraft."-' 

Professor Kittredge, too, counts sound and necessary 
the distinction between witchcraft and magic; but he 
thinks it less vital than do I in the history of witchcraft, 
and less true for England than for the Continent. To 
this point, therefore, and especially to England I have 
first addressed my study.® I am far yet from being 
ready to pronounce a final opinion; but I must confess 
that thus far I have found no reason to adojjt his view.'' 



' Zaiibcrwalm, Inqutsitiun U7ul Jlcicujirvtss im Milteirilter (.Munich and Luipaig, 1900). 

1 The Inquiiitiun of Spain (jNew York, I'JUG-l'JOV), IV, p. 200. Mr. Lea once wrote 
me that all hiu study of the Inquisition grew out of his study of the history of witolicraft. 

• Tliia has been tlie more tempting because during these last montlis there hu3 fallen 
upon me, as the cluiirman of a committee of the American Historical Association, the 
pleasant tusk of aiding to prepare for the press a prize essay by a .youuy .■\merican Hi'huhir 
on the history of English witchcraft tWallace Notestein, .1 Utalunj uf \Vn-!,cinfi in 
Eitijlaitd from 1568 to 1718, Washington, 1911). Alas, though I owe to this a nti'1inlatuig 
companionship and many adtlitions to uiy knowledge, and for both am gluti Ik re lo i*x- 
press my warm thanks to the author, it has needed from nie more time than I foresaw; and 
to the inoppurtime demands during these last days of the page proofs of that volume I 
must ask you to imj:)ute in part the crudencss anil the incompleteness of the present 
paper. 

' He cites (note 2) Hansen as also recognizing "the difference between England and 
the Continent iu the development of the witchcraft idea and in the history of prosecution." 



192 Ainericmi Ant'uiuarian Society. [Oct., 

Instead of finding in l'jn}i;l;in(l jK)pular supersiition more 
cont.jnnoiis than on ilic Continent I seem to tind it less 
so. Nor does this seem hard to explain. The Enfi;Ush 
were a migrant |)eople, and su|Jcrstitions do not migrate 
easily, (iermanic beliefs were peculiarly local, and the 
students of (Jermanic origins have cjftcn pointed out 
how largely, even on tlie C-ontinent, they failed to sur- 
vive the wandering. 13 ut the Jilnglish migrated over sea, 
lost touch almost wholly with the home land, were long 
cut off by speech and faith from the superstitions of 
the land to which they came. For long the migrants 
were men — less prone than women to the practice or 
the fear of sorcery. And scarcely were they well settl(;d 
in the new home when a new faith, Christianity, made 
them its converts, — and more swiftly and thoroughly 
than any other Cermanic folk till their kinsmen the 
Normans should under circumstances very similar 
repeat the story. 

How much of superstition that new faith brushed 
away, how sternly, though so credulously, it fought 
the remainder, we have already noted. It is in the 
Penitentials, not the laws, that we first find mention of 
witchcraft; and what the EngHsh Penitentials find to 
punish is slight compared with wliat is found by Conti- 
nental ones — nay, much of even this little seems only 
borrowed from Continental canons.** And while the 
pre-Christian Germanic laws of the Continent punish 
witchcraft only wlien harm to person or to goods is 
charged, and only later, under church influence, make 
it penal as a dealing with evil powers,^ Alfred's law, the 
earliest English one, is but an echo of the Mosaic "Thou 

I am unable to read so much, however, out of the puasage he names (Zauberwahn, p. 21, 
note 1). What Hansen seems to nie to say \» only that his own book does not deal with 
Enghmd, which "though it ahared indeed largely in the wUeh-trials, relleets only the 
general course of the development." 

' It is to be noted that much of what is pubh.shed by Spelinan and by Thorpe as be- 
longing to the Penitential of Theodore, in the seventh century, or to Egbert's, in the eighth, 
is now known to be later interpolation from Continental sources. See Wasserschleben, 
Bussurdiiunoen, pp. 13-32, 1()2-21U, 251-318; Iladdan and Stubbs, Couiicih, iii, pp. 
173-180, 179-100, 413-llfl, 421; Lea, Auricular Confession and Induluence. iii, p. 103-1U4. 

'See Hansen, Zauberwahn, pp.. 61 ff. and authorities cited by him; and especially 
Bninner, Deutuche liechlsucschichte, ii, pp. 67S-U91. 



1011.] Nrw l^Jiiyhutd's Plncv in Witdicnifl. 



193 



shalt not sulTcr u witch to live.""' The laws of Etlielred 
and Cniit are scai-cely less rctiolent of Scriptural sug- 
gestion;" and when, with the Noiman (Jonciuest, the 
influence of the Continent and of Home grows more 
direct, tlie Enghsh theologians and chroniclers reek 
with precisely the same witch and devil lore that was 
popular beyond the Channel. 

But in England, as on the Continent, the attitude of 
C'hurch and State toward what they deemed witclicraft 
seems for a time to gro\v mildei', not sterner. In ].']ng- 
land, as on the Continent, it was only in the train of the 
newly oi-ganized rc^pression of heresy that sternness 
came back. "Indeed," say the historians of English 
law, "it is probable that but for the persecution of here- 
tics there would have been no persecution of sorcerers. "^'^ 
Everybody knows how, when Bishop Stubbs had taught 
us that even in England the authority of the Canon 
Law was greater than we had dreamed, Mr. Maitland, 
layman and skeptic, went much fuither and showed it 
greater than Bishop Stabljs had dreamed. Especially 
did he prove this as to heresy, showing beyond question 
that hei'etics were burned, and by the civil authorities at 
tlie instance of the Church, before the statute de Juiere- 
tico cotiihiirendo?^ By the Canon Law witchcraft liad 
now been brought into the closest connection with heresy 
— it was only a higher treason against Heaven — and the 
Church's i)ressure for its punisliment was not less 
urgent.'^ As in 1401 the Canon Law was reinf(jr(:ed, 
as to heresy, by the statute, so in 140G thejo was won 
from the same churchly king, and dtmbtless by the pre- 
late to whom our extant copy of it is addressed — Philip 
Repington, Bishop of Lincoln, late the king's chai)lain 

'!> Seo Liebermaiin, Die Geselze der Angoiaaclieii (Halle. U)i)(i), i, pp. 38-3'J. 

"Snme, pp. 248-249, 310-311. • ' 

" Pollock ami Maitland, History oj Enoliali Law (2d ed., Cambridgu, 18U8), li, p. 552. 

'" Maitland, Canon Law in the Church of Enuland (London, 1898), especially pp. 79-80. 
158-179; and the History of Eni/lish Law, ii, pp. 544-552. 

" See a3 to tliia Mr. Lea'a ehajjlera on "Sorcery" and "Witchcraft " in hid The Inqui- 
sition of tlie Middle .'lyes and Hansen, Zuuberwahn, ch. iv. Not all the decretals aa lo 
witchcraft were to find a place iu the authorized Corpus of the Canon Law; but thia was 
then only in the making. 



i 



194 • Anuriain A iili<ju(iri<ui Siiciiiy. [Oct.,' 

and confessor and still his bosom i'liciul, an ex-J^ollard 
now with tlie zeal of a renegade hunting dcnvnhis ancient 
brethren and soon to be rewarded with the cardinal's 
hat — a royal letter calling for the ferreting out of witch- 
es. ^^ Nor can I find that in England the theoiy of witcli- 
craft differed tlien in any point from that of the rest of 
Latin Christendom. That, liowever, theie followed in 
England no such e]jideniic of witch-persecution"' as 
on the Continent I readily admit; but it seems to me 
more easily explained than by any difference in the de- 
velopment of tlie witchcraft idea. There was in England 
no Holy Inquisition; and on the Continent it was, as is 
well known, to the Holy Inquisition, now left at leisure 
by its success in the extirpation of heresy, that the new 
quest of witches was almost wholly due. There was in 
England no use of torture; and the torture, as is not less 
well known, was the fruitful source of nearly all witch- 
epidemics. When in the seventeenth century I<]nglish 
procedure, in spite of English law, learned to use torture, 
England too had her witch-epidemic. I glatlly admit, 
too, that both these causes nmst have retarded iji Eng- 
land the diffusion of the witch-idea. That England had 
no Holy Inquisition may have been, as has ])een said, 
only because she had no need of one; but in its absence 
she lacked those from whr)ni came all the treatises ex- 
pounding the new dogma, and whose prestige nmst have 
done nmch to give it vogue. The torture, too, not only 
wrested, from the innocent, confessions of guilt. and the 
names of acconqjliccs to be tortured into like confession, 
but through tlie wild tales it forced from their delirious 
fancy or enabled tlie leading questions of bookish in- 



" The Bishop of Lincolu it was, not the Bishop of Norwich, aa say Pollock and Mait- 
laiul (llisioru oj Enijlish Law, li. p. 555). Tlie error is borrowed from Thomas Wright 
(introduction to Prociedinus againsl Datne Alice Kyhler, Camden Societj', London, 1S43), 
wtio, however, prints the document in full and with the correct name. It may he found 
alao in Rynicr; and ace the CaUndar of Patent Rolls, Henry IV, l/,Or,-HuH, p. 112. Mr. 
l.ca assumes (Tnquisilion uf the Middle Aues, iii, p. 407), and I think reasonably, that the 
sanjc letter was sent to all tliG English bishops. 

'•I ara sorry that I must use this word " persecution, " so scrupulously avoided by 
Professor Kittredgc "I'rusccution," which he uses instead, does not mean the same 
thing; and, if it did, I fear it would lo.^e no tijue in falling under the same stigma. 



1011. 



Neiv England's Place in Wilchcraji. 



195 



quisitors to put into their mouths — tales published 
thi'ough the reading of these confessions to the crowds 
wliich gathered at sentence and execution or diffused 
through the no less eifective medium of common gossip 
— was a most potent popularizer of the delusion. And, 
though from both these sources, through written book 
and word of mouth, there filtered slowly into Ejiglaud 
all this teaching, it was not till after the middle of the 
sixteenth centur}^ that it began to tell on public polity. ^^ 
Till that time, as I too believe, the idea of nialeficmm, 
or actual harm, played a larger part in English action 
toward witclicraft than on the Continent was now ac- 
corded it. 

But with the accession of Elizabeth there found en- 
trance into England a Continental influence which was 
to change all this. The Marian exiles, who so largely 
manned Ikt bishoprics, were fresh from lands and towns 
where witch-burning was in full career, and at Geneva, 
Zurich, Basel, Strasburg, had had ample opportunity 
to learn its theory ; and the law which was now to embody 
this differing attitude they from the very outset of 
the new (jueen's reign demanded at her hands. That 
law was introduced in her first Parliament, though to be 
passed only by its successor; and in the interval one (jf 
these exiles, Bishop Jewel, who had already reported 
to his Continental mentor, Peter Martyr, the enormous 
number of witches his trained eyes now found in Eng- 
land,^^ burst forth, in a sermon before the queen, into 
an appeal to her for action against them.''-' It is true 
that he finds a ground for this appeal in the "liorrible 
using" of her poor subjects, whom his eyes have seen 
to "pine away even unto the death." Nay, he even 
insinuates some such danger from the witches to the 
queen herself: "I pray God," he said, "they never prac- 



" Of the Irun.sient etiitutu undc-r Henry VHI or of its disappearaiico under Edwiird, 
I must nut pause to Bpeuk. Ab wus long ago poiuled out, tliurc is rca'son to doubt whether 
it waa honestly meant or eerioualy enforeed. 

"Jewel, \Vi>Tks (Parker Soc., lSir)-185U), iv. pp. 1216-1217; or (trunalatiuu only) 
Zurich Letters (Park.'r Soc, 1812), 44. 

" Ab to the date of this sermon see Notestein, p. IG. 






196 American A nliqiKirian S()c.icl,ij. ' [()(;t., 

tise further than upon the subject." But it must be 
remembered that tlie "laws" lor whose execution he 
was then appealing nmst mean the common law of the 
realm, which of course took cognizance only of concrete 
injury as basis for a criminal action in the courts. It 
is true, too, that the new statute, which eai-ly in 15(33 
became a law, mentions still as a ground for the "condign 
punishment" of such "devilish jKusons" their witch- 
crafts "to the destruction of the persons and goods of 
their neighbors"; but this is no longer the only ground, 
nor is any tnakjiciuin longer needed for their convicticm. 
To "use, practise, or exercise any invocatioiis or con- 
jurations of evil and wicked spirits to or for any intent 
or purpose" is specified first of all as enough by itself 
to warrant their death as felons; and to their witchcrafts 
against their neighbors are now assimilated "other lewd 
intents and purposes contraiy to the laws of Almiglity 
(Jod and to the peril of their own souls."-" 

I venture to think that no student familiar with the 
Erasmian tone of the leaders of church and state in 
England during the earlier sixtc^enth century can lead 
the sermon which offered the t(!xt foi- such an outbmst, 
or the statute which thus assumes the old function of 
the Canon Law ajid punishes sin as well as crime, witli- 
out discerning in both alike a new diction and a new 
spirit, or without r(!Cognizing in that diction and that 
spirit the stamp of what was later to be known as (Jal- 
vinism. And from this day forward, however individ- 
uals prove exceptions either way, the group, the party, 
which I seem to find always standing in general for a 
sterner dealing with witches in Ejigland is that whose 



"^^ Pri>fea8Dr K'ittreiij^e (aeu Lia note 4) Heciiis wii(>II,\' to liavo uverlookud, both in the. 
Btutute of Eliznl>i:lh and in tliat of JainuH, this prtauriiitiou of ilualli fur witchciiift willi- 
oiit iiiahriciuiu — wilcliemft wliicli vvroiigs ouly God liiid hanua only adf — uud tliia over- 
uigLt, I four, 13 laigc'ly ifspouaibk' fur liis wholu point of view. Were on\y male lie i am 
to bo puiiiabed, there was indeed, no need for a special titutute: the common law punisliud, 
and with severity, both fiarin to person and harm to goods, whether wrought by witch- 
craft or iu any other wise. Nay, even after there was a special statute, the eommun law 
might be invoked to punish malefic-ium, and iu one ease, at hiast, it took precedence: 
a woman who bewitched to deatli lier husband, was burned for luisband-murder ("petty 
treason"), not hanged for witchcraft. 



1911, 



Nao England's Place in Witchcraft. 



197 



bond of unity was Calvinism. ^^ It was not that Cal- 
vinism was more prone to superstition. I believe it 
had to do with the precise converse of this. Wliat hap- 
pened now was singtilarly like what had happened when 
Christianity took hold on the Germanic peoples. The 
rational minds of the Swiss and Genevan reformers, 
trained in a more critical school than their North Ger- 
man neighbors, discarded at one sweep nearly the whole 



" "The romurk," suys Profcaaor KiLlrcdgo (ncto '12), "that Calvimam waa uapecially 
rcapouaible for vvitcli-triula ia a loose aMsurtioii which has to reckon with thufuct that llie 
laat burning for witchcraft at Geneva tool< place iu 1U52." Who may have ventureil 
sucli a rcnuirlc I do not know, and I liave no wish to defend it. I should be slow to believe 
that Calviniam could be more reapoiiaib.e for witcli-triala than waa the Dominican the- 
ology in its own time and place, or than Lutlierauiam in the lands where it wua most 
dominant. Tliat Calviui.'jm waa especially roHponsiblo for witoh-triala in Enyland ia. 
however, a verdict so familiar that, so far as I know. Professor Kittrodge is the first to 
question it. Principal Lee, a half-cent\iry ago, in his Lectures on ilie History of the Cliurc.lt 
of Sculland (i, pp. 315-327), undertook to clear the skirts of Scotland and of Presbyterian- 
ism, and like Professor Kittredge he refutes many exaggerations; but it is in part at the 
cost of Eugliah Calvinista, and I doubt 'if, in general, Professor Kittredge would count 
the case advanced by liis sonietiuies startling arguments. If the ascription of especial 
responsibility to Calvinism iu England has been loosL'Iy nuule, I suspect that it is because 
it was Bupi)osed au admitted fact or seemed too evident for proof. .Such grounds for my 
own faith in it as I have space here to preaent will be found iu the tcft; but let me liasteu 
to reckon with the date of that last buraiuij at Geneva by asking liow many other oities 
of the importance or the intelligeuce of Geneva had a witch-burning so late as lG.'j2. Of 
her neighbors Strasburg and Basel seem to have left off a little earlier, Bera and Zurich 
a little later. London saw an cxticution that very year, and perhaps another in the year 
that followed; but London was then a very Calvinistio London, and knew nothing of 
this sort after the Restoration. It is, of course, to Geneva's honor that she burned no 
later, thoui^h her witch trials dill not cease with her witch-burning . nor will I ask whether 
we ahoulil attribute the esi:ape of the rest from death to the tiesitation of her judgea, as 
does her historian, Gaiitier, or to the protest of her physicians, as does Dr. Ladamo, who 
has edited the documents of that linal burning. I am glad to believe it, rather, a civic 
advance in which these had only their share. In any case, is it not as irrelevant to the 
question of the influence of Calvinism as it would be to question the influence of the medi- 
eval theology because witcli-bLirnings ceased early at Home? Is it not more pertinent 
that, while of the one hundred and aixly-two trials whose records are left at Geneva from 
the fifteenth century but one was for witchcraft (Ladaine, Prods criminel de la deniiire 
sorciere bnilec. <X Geidve, p. vi) and wliile jirior to the advent of the reformers it is said 
that no death penalty for witchcraft is known to the annals of the city, one hundred and 
fifty were burned there for that crime during the next sixty years (Henry, Lcbeii Caloins, 
ii, p. 75, quoting Picot, Ilialoire dc Oenhe, ii, 280)7 I dare not answer for the exactaesa 
of these latter figures, for I do not know ou what Picot haa based his count; but they gain 
much probability from the fact that Dr. Ladame finds still iu the Genevan archives the 
documents of two hundred witch-trials from the sixteenth century {Frocis, p. vii), and 
that Hansen, who has also sifted tlieso archives,, enumerates only u single sixteenth- 
century trial there prior to 151U (Quellen, p. 513). As this trial, which eudeil in a con- 
demnation and therefore probably in an exeeutinn, took place in 1527, it might seem in so 
far to throw doubt ou Picot's figure; but, as the court waa the Holy Inquisition and the 
witch from an outlying Savoyard village, the case is not strictly a Genevan one. Yet 
oven for Geneva let me not seem to make Calviuism the only cause of perseoutiou. 



198 American A ntiquariun Society. [Oct., 

mass of the superstitions which had become tlie heritage 
of Christendom — not only those wliich had to do with 
Christian worship, but those as well which clustered 
about its alleged counterpart, the ritual of Satan. As 
Calvin's caustic treatise on the need of an inventory 
of the relics of the saints, with its shrewd sense and taunt- 
ing mockery, rang through the Clu'istian world, trans- 
lated and read nowhere more eagerly tlian in England, 
so too his contemptuous rejection of a horde of the mar- 
vels of witchcraft. Miracles had ceased, he taught," 
with the apostles. The miracles of the Devil, like those 
of the Church, are sham. The witch-sabbath is a fan- 
tastic fiction, tlie witch's flight through the air a delusion 
of Satan. Luther and his followers took over fi-oui 
the Middle Ages a host of superstitions to which Calvin 
would not listen. Even of exorcism, whether of babes 
or of demoniacs, he would not hear. And on no side, 
I think, did Calvinism more appeal to the practical 
common sense of Englishmen. 

But on one point Calvin stood firndy with the past 
— on the authority of the Bible. It was in its name 
that he condemned all else. "He tliat believes more 
than the Holy Bible teaches," wrote one of his English 
disciples,"^ "he is superstitious, and the use of the thing 
is superstition"; and superstition, taught Calvin, is as 
bad as atlieism.-^ And to Calvin the Holy Bible meant 
Old Testament as well as New. Luther had denied 
that the Old was binding upon Christians; but Calvin 
held its legislation still valid and authoritative, and out 
of it he drew his scheme of church and state. It is the 
duty of the Christian prince, the Christian magistrate, 
he taught, to enforce the law of God as well as that of 
man; and the first four Commandments, which define 
men's duties to God, should be enfoi'ced more zealously 
than the other six, which govern their duties to each 
other. "Now the Bible," said Calvin, ''teaches that 
there are witches and that they must be slain." "God 



22 Biahop Pilk'ugton. 

^' See ii!8 Bermcju ou Dout iiii. 



1911. 



Neio England's Place in Witchcraft. 



199 



4> 



expressly commands that all witches and enchantresses 
be put to death, and this law of God is a universal law," 
as binding to-day as ever.-' To deny that magical arts 
were ever practised, or that tliey are so still, would be 
to accuse God of heedlessness, legislating al^out things 
which do not exist. -^ This is "impudent blasphemy," 
and they who utter it should be driven out from Christian 
communities.-'^ Though the Devil's pretended miracles 
are frauds, "we need not wonder if, by God's permission, 
he should disturb the elements, or afllict the rej)robate 
with diseases and other evils, or present phantoms to 
their sight. "27 

Therefore it was that Calvin could take earnest part 
in the extirpation of tliose who were charged with s]iread- 
ing the plague at Geneva by anointing with a diabolic 
unguent the latches of the doors. -^ Therefore it was 
that he could appear in {jerson before the Council to 
insist on the extirpation of the witches (this time not 
pest-spreaders) in the parish of Peney; and it is to be 
noticed that the records of the Council make him term 
them "heretics."^'-' To him it was not their harm to 
men that was the gist of their offense. It was that such 
offenses, however illusory, "carry with them a wicked 
renunciation of God"; for "God would condemn to 



■■" See Ilia aermon on tlio Witch of Endor {Opera, od. Bauin el a!., xxx, (j:)l-fj32). 

'^ Opera, xxiv, 2G'J. 

'^ Opera, xxx, 032. 

"Opera, xxiv, 209; cf. Eng. tranal. of tlie Cidviu Translation Socie(.y( C«m/;i(ii(arie.t 
on the Four Last Hooks oi Moaea, i, p. -131). 

'* This was v}a,eficium with ji vcnf?cancc; and, if ever a panic of superstitious and oruel 
terror could be pardoned, it would be in the face ol auch a mysterious and deadly ecourgo. 
Nay, 8o circumstantial and so rational are the details given us by coutemporariea — as by 
that good Calvinist, Michel Ruaet — that one could not only credit the guilt of the accused, 
but could accept the story of its method, were it not for the merciless torture used to win 
the confeHsions, and the i>repo3terou3 tale of league with the Devil which it proved a3 
easy to win from them by the same means. Those accused of a like crime had been siiij- 
ilarly convicted and punisheil at Ci:neva a half-dozen years before llie coming of Calvin, 
but in the account we have of it from the good Uoset there is this notable dilference, 
that, whereas the lirst episode is narrated as a case of simple poisoning, without a sugges- 
tion of any supernatural influence, in the later he knows tliat the "more tlian thirty 
persona" — thirty-one were put to death—" had leagued together to give themselves 
body and soul to the Devil in express terms." One catches here both the Calvinist's 
belief in the guilt of the iutent and the Calviiiiat'a doubt as to the reality of the marvel. 
(See Roset, Lea CUroniquea dc Uenhe, Geneva, 1891, pp. 40-47, 30ti-30S.) 

" Opera, xxi, 305, and A. Roget. llistoire du Peuple de Oeiihe, ii, pp. 178-17'J. ' 



t 



200 American lintiqvarinn Society. [Oct., 

capital punishnient all augurs, and niay;iciaus, and con- 
suiters with familial- spirits, and necromancers and fol- 
lowers of magic arts."^" 

The lawyers, indeed, throughout Eui'ope were not 
easy to win to such a departure from the concrete. The 
church herself had long jealously lestricted tlunn to 
non-spiritual offenses, and their own conservatism was 
now slow to budge. Those who drew up in the fii'st 
decades of the sixteenth century tluit great criminal 
code of Charles V which was pronuilgated at last in 
1532 made the penalty of death for witchcraft depend on 
such a concrete mischief. But Lutheran influence in 
time clianged all this in Saxony, and in 1572 tlie new code 
of the Elector August pimished witches with death 
"regardless of whetlier they had l/y witchcraft done 
anybody harm";^^ and in 1582 the new code of the then 
Lutheran Palatinate ecliocd this penalty of death re- 
gardless of makjlcium.^'^ But Calvinism liad taught 
this from the iirst, and the statute of Elizabeth was 
earlier by nearly a decade than even the Saxon code." 
And in that same yeai', 15G3, there was enacted in the 
neighboring Scotland, where, though Mary was on the 
throne, the Calvinists were ip the saddle, a similar but 
severer statute, punishing with death alike the use of 
witchcraft and the consulting of a witch, and without 
the slightest mention of a maJcjlciwin. 

But Calvinistic demonology was soon to flow into Eng- 
land through many other channels than the memory 
or the correspondence of the exiles. 1 can take space for 
the mention of but one or two. In 1575 there appeared 
in English translation the dialogue on witches of the 
Genevan professor, Daneau, i:)rinted the previous year 
in French and soon to be had in Latin as well; and by 
1586 there was market for a fresh English translation.^^ 
In 1580, however, had appeared the great Dcnioitor/ianie 



'■"' Opera, xxiv, 'M&. 

** "Ob sit (jlcLcli tail Z auberti niemand Schaden zuytjugl " lau tliu exact woriln ol' ttiu Cudo 
(para iv, coiiat. 2). 
"Titul. ix (p. 0). 
"See Paul de F6lice. J.ambtrt Daiwau, p. 159. 



1911. 



Nav England's Place in Witchcraft. 



201 



of Bodin (soon also trunslated into Latin), wliose power- 
ful influence can be traced everywhere in the English 
thought of the following years. An 0])en Calvinist 
he was not; but so saturated is his book witli Calvinistic 
thought, and, through Calvinism, with the Old Testa- 
ment, that he has been suspected not only of crypto- 
Calvinisni, but sometimes of Judaism.-" Y(;t it was far 
less, I think, the influence of any such monograijh than 
that of Calvin's own conunentaries, now on evn^y preach- 
ei''s shelves, of Calvin's own sermons, the model, if not 
tlie source, of pul])it eloquence, — it was Daneau's EUiict 
Christiana, the standard treatise of Protestant ethics, 
and his Poliiice Christiana, the standard manual uf 
Pi'otestant rulers, — that impressed this doctrine on the 
English conscience. 

Not that English demonologic reading was narrow. 
In a day when every educated JCnglishman read Latin 
as easily as English and was likely to have a smattering 
of French and Italian as well, it should go without say- 
ing that the books wliich shaped in this tield the thought 
of the Continent were knovvn in England also. The 
bibliography wliich in 1584 Reginald Scot i)rehxed to 
his Discovcrie of Witchcraft enumerates w(dl nigh the 
whole literatuie of the sul),iect; and the defenders of the 
belief are not chary of displaying a similar learning. It 
is no truer that it is impossible to study New England 
thought on witchcraft apai't from English than that it 
is impossible to study English apart from CJontinental. 
Nay, New England, too, was far from ignorant of Conti- 
nental thought. Inci'ca.^e Mather's Rcinarkahle Provi- 
dences shows an amazing ac(p,iaintance witli the Conti- 
nental authorities on demonology; and, though it does 
not follow, even when he cites them, that that acquaint- 
ant.'e was always at first hand, a deal of it is clearly so.^^ 



^^ See cspi'cially tlje cari'ful stuiJy of Friudricb von TiuzuUl on .lean lludin ah Okkul- 
iinl und sciiif Di'iiKJUtirnanir, iu the Ilistorische Zdlsclii ift, lid. 105 (J'JIO). 

" Of the booku he cites I find only a small proportion listed by Mr. Tuttle in hirj iutor- 
estiiit; paper (published lust year iu our Proceeilinus) on Tlit Librurit.i ul the .Iful/iem. 
13ut his study suggests many wa.ya in which this may be explained. 



202 ■ American Antiquarian Socu'ty. [Oct., 

And this wider reading, even the Mathers', included 
much that Avas written to ciuestion or restrain the per- 
secution. Yet it is not strange that to plain English- 
men, in England or New England, the Calvinistic view 
should have esjjecial cogency. Not alone what seemed 
its rationalism, but its discrimination — is it not still 
the rcasoner who discriminates that wins us? — but 
most of all, I think, its a.pi)eal to the Bible, the text-l:)Ook 
which now made every man his o\vn theologian, and its 
acceptance of that literal sense which lay for every man 
upon the sui-face, these were the qualities to carry weight 
with pious men just waking now in every field to self- 
reliance and self-help. And, if it narrowed superstition, 
it deepened it as well. Precisely as, by robbing the 
Puritan of all ritual except the Sabbath, it concentrated 
on the Sabbath all the devotion which in him still craved 
ritual, so by denying to the Puritan imagination in- 
dulgence in oth(ij' superstitions it made more keen by 
far its interest in these deeds of darkness which it was 
Christian virtue to divine and i)unish. 

What picturesqueness such speculations might take 
on let me illustrate from a sober law-book put forth in 
the last years of Elizabeth by a scrivener of that scnithern 
Yorkshire whence came so many of the earliest founders 
of New England. Thus in his SimhoJcugraphif^ William 
West defines the crunes of "magicke" and "witcherie"; 

^ MAGICKE. 

Magitians be those which by uttering of certaine super- 
stitious worils conceived, adventure to attempt things al)uve 
the course of nature, by bringing forth dead mens ghosts, 
as tliey fasly [falseiyj pretende, in shewing of things either 
secret or in i)laces far off, and in shewing tliem in any shape 
or likenes. These wicked ])crsons l)y otli ui' writing written 



"Pp. 87, 88, of pt. 2 in tlie edition of 1611, which I believe (though I have Uded uo 
earlier) an unchanged reprint of tliat of 1592-4. The briefer first edition appeared in 
1590. Tlie discerning will, I think, divine that the first aenleucB of the dolinition of 
uiagic ia of older source than the remainder, which aavora of tlio school theology; and it 
18 only tlie definition of witchery which seenia to ino to bear a diatinotly Calvinistic im- 
press. Note hov^, though calling it delusion, the author revels in its details. Between 
tliese two crimes, as though grailations from one to the other, are described South- 
saying Wizzarda," "Divination," "Juglmg," and "Inchantings and Charming." 



1911.] New l^JiKjlnnd's Place in Wilchcmji. 



203 



with their own blood, huviii^' Ijctakon themselves to tlie devil, 
have forsaken Cod, and broken their covenant made iu bap- 
tism, and detest the benefits tliereot', and worship the [divel 
only: And setiing their only hope in him, doe execid-e his 
commamlements, and being deade, eomnieud botii tlunr 
bodies and soules unto him. 



WITCIIEUIE. 

A Witch or liag, is she which being [iljeluded by a league 
made with the diveli tlirough liis perswasion, inspiration and 
jugling thinicetli she can designe wliat inoner of evil things 
soever, either l:)y thogt or imprecation, as to shake the aire 
with lightnings and thunder, to cause haile and tempests, to 
remove green corne or trees to another place, to bo caried of 
her familer which hath taken upon him the deceitful shape 
of a goate, swine, or calf etc. into some mountain far distant, 
in a wonderful! .short space of time. And sometimes to the 
upon a stalfe or forke, or some other instrument. And to 
spend all the night after witli her sweet hart, in playing, 
s})orting, l)anqucting, dancing, daliance, and divers other 
divelish lusts, and lewd disports, and to shew a thousand 
such monstrous mockeiies. 

Jkit during tliese same last years of Elizabeth Cal- 
vinism fovmd in England an interpreter whose; teachings 
were of more lasting potency on both sides of the sea. 
A style more lucid, sensible, straightforward, unpedantic, 
suited to catch the ear and to convince the mind of sober 
Englishmen, than that of tlie great Cambridge preacher, 
William Perkins, it would not be easy to conceive. And 
all these winning qualities belong to his "discourse of 
the damned art of witchcraft," which delivered before 
his university audience, was circulated in manuscript 
till his death, in'' 1G02, and then was by his litei'ary 
executors n(jt only published and republished by itself 
but embodied in that standard collection of his works 
which for a century was to be a classic on the shelves 
of every Puritan divine. Though a fellow of Christ's, 
his relations were closest with Emmanuel College, that 
cradle of Puritanism, English and Ameiican. John Cot- 
ton was his convert. Thomas Hooker, Thomas Shepard, 
John Harvard, were there his hearers or his readers. 



204 Ainerican Aniiquaridii ^So<•i(iy. [Oct., 

Every student of New England witcherHt't knows how 
his dicta are embodied in the books of tlie Mathers. 
Nay, Increase Matlier quotes with pride tlie higii praise 
paid New England by a British geographer wlio wrote 
that "as to their Religion, the people there are like 
Mr. Perkins." 

Now, the substance of Mr. Perkins's teaching as to 
witchcraft was that ''among us also the sinne of Witch- 
craft ought as sharply to be punished as in former times;. 
and all Witches . . . ought according to the Ltiw of 
Moses to be put to death." "The penaltie of Witch- 
craft being Death by Cod's appointuient . . . binds 
us, and shall in like sort bind men in all ages"; ... 
"for the most notorious tray tour and rebell that can 
be is the Witch, for she renounceth Clod hhnselfe, " and 
"as the killing Witch must die by another Lawe, though 
he were no Witch, so the healing and harmeless Witch 
must die by this Lawe, though Ik; kill not, oncly for 
covenant with Satan. " "Death thcn-efore " — thus closes 
the sermon — "is the just and deserved portion of the 
good Witch. "■''■ 

It was high time for English Puritanism to find for its 
witch theory such an advocate. Its opj)oncjits, too, 
were finding voice and in the highest ranks of th(,' An- 
glican clei'gy. Certain cases of child illness or child 
im])osture like those which a century later started the 
Massacluisetts panic liad not only given rise to charges of 
bewitchiiient, but had called into activity, both among 
the English Catholics and the English Puritans, men 
who professed to detect the witch and by supernat- 
ural aid to cure tlie bewitch(,'d. Against these, and 
notably against one Jolni Darrel, a Puritan minister 
who' became a sort of itinerant exorcist, the pj-elates 
called in the aid of the courts.'*** The controversy soon 



"' Sfe Ilia Discuurst: of Iht Damned Ari of Witchcraft (Londou, IGOS), clo.siiig pUHi'a. 
Terkina advocated, too, Llie nay of torture. Calvin, U3 is well known, bcUevc'l also in 
this; and iiowluire was it u.sed nioro cruelly or more elTeetively than ut Geneva. 

" I am, of course, far from ascribing to the Puritans iu general Darrel's viewM an to 
exorcism; yet liow far they were from reimdiating him may be gathered from Hiook 
iPuritdji.^, ii, 1\7-1'22), who tells os huv\' ea^'erly his books were bought at Cambridge. 



J 

! 191].] New I<JnijIan(l\s Place in Witchcraft. 205 

I 

i; aired itself in print, ;uui the sjjcike.snian of the Anglicans, 

' Dr. Sainuel Ilarsnett, chaplain of the Bisho]) of LoikIc/m 

! and accounted the mouthpiece of that prelate, jmt forth 

,' ■ (1599, lfj03) two vi)^orous books, which with aniazin;^ 

I boldness i)our conteni[)t not only on the exorcists and 

f their claims, but on tlie belief in possession and witch- 

f craft, and on all the superstitions connected with th(;se. 

[ "Hoi'ace the Heathen," he declared, "spied long agoe 

that a Witch, a Wizard, and a Conjui-er were but bul- 
beggers to scare fooles. "^'•' Now, Samuel ITarsnett, 
I from 1G02 Archdeacon of Essex, was to beconie succes- 

j sively Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, Bishop of Chi- 

1 Chester, Bishoj) of Norwich, Archbishop of York; and 

his backer, Richard J^ancroft, Bishop of London, be- 
came in 1604 Archbishop of Canterbury and i)i-imate of 
the English Chui'ch. With such men at the head of the 
hieiarcliy — and supported, as I have found no reason 
to doubt, by the general o]')inion of their party — how was 
it that the persecution of witches was not laughed out 
^ of England before the Puritans came to t!ie helm? 

Ah, but then came King James. It is true that .lames 
was not a Puritan; but, as everybody knows, he was a 
Calvinist, and the witch question was one not of church 
government but of theology. All his theology was 
steeped in Calvinism, and everybody knows how, while 
still in Scotland, he had distinguished himself as a ()cr- 
secutor of witches. He had been stirred, too, in 1597, 
by "the fearful abouiuling at this time" in Scotland 
"of these detestable slaves of the divc^ll," to put forth 
a book, his Davionologic, in order "to ivsolve the doubt- 
ing hearts of manie" as to their guilt and to prove that 
■ all, regardless of sex, age, or rank, aye even "bairnes, " 
should be put to death — "for, " he says, "it is the highest 

Two other obscure Puritan minisfers (More and Denison) had some purl iu his doinga or 
[,«, in the dcf(Miae of tlicjn, and one tract in his favor has been ascribed lo auotlier, James 

Bainford. As to all this c'piaode I am happy to be able now to refer to Dr. Nuleatein's 
Hislory of Wilclicro.ft in Enylnnil (oliapter iv, "Tlie Exorcists"). 

" Tlie rest of thi.s striking pufaage may be found quoted in Dr. Notestein's work 
(pp. S8-80). Hut Haranett's tone is the same throughout. The long titles of liia books 
and of Darrel's may also be learned from Dr. Noteateiu. 






1 



206 American Aniiquarian Society. [Oct., 

I)oint of Tdohitry, wlicreiu no exception is admitted by 
the law of CJod."''" This book was at once republished 
at London when, ia 1003, James mounted the English 
throne; and liis fii'st Parliament, in 160 i, replaced the 
statute of Elizabeth by one j^et sterner. That James's 
book, odd mixture of Scotch shrewdness and Scotch 
pedantry and full of Scotticisms in its speech, had serious 
influence on ii^nglish thought or action, save as it seemed 
to give a key to the king's mind, it is not easy to believe. 
But to James's statute or to its colonial echoes all 
witches later brought to trial in England or New England 
owed their fate.*' Its purpose was frankly the "more 
severe punishing" of the offense. Its first clause re- 
enacts the felon's death for all who "shall use, practise, 
or exercise any invocation or conjuration of any evil 
and wicked spirit"; but this Elizabethan clause — which 
seems to have been intcj-preted to mean, as it was doubt- 
less intended to mean, only the deliberate and formal 
conjurer'*- — w^as now reinforced by one wliich was clearly 
meant to cover all dabbling with witchcraft, and which 
may have aimed, like the Scottish statute, to make as 
penal the mere consulting of a witch. All should 
likewise die, said this clause, who should "consult, 
covenant with, entertain, employ, feed, or reward any 
evil or wicked spirit," whatever the intent or purpose, 



*" Divmunologie (ed. of 1003), preface and p. 76. 

" The colonial laws were, indeed, no mere echoes. Even more than the at.atulo of 
James they were to the mind of Calvinism; for they had nothing whatever to say of 
tnaleficiuvi and wholly identified the crime with the sin. Plymouth, in 10.3(3, enumerated 
after treason and murder, as an "offence lyable to death," the "aoleum compaction or 
convoTBiiig with the divcll by way of witchcraft, conjuraeion or the like." Miia.sachu- 
aetts, in 1011 (and, following hor, Connecticut in 10-12), brought the crime into more 
direct conncctiori witli the Ten Conuuuudmeuld by enacting, as the second of her " Cup- 
itull Laws" (between idohitry, the violation of the First Comniandnunt, and blasphemy, 
tlio violation of the Third), that "If any man or woman be a witch (that ia hath or cou- 
Hulteth with a familiar spirit), They shall be put to death." And New Haven, in 1055, 
not only followed the same order, but, as was her wont, made the Mosaic law her own: 
"If any person be a Witch, he or she shall be put to death, according to Exvd. xxii, IS, 
Levit. XX, 27, Deut. xviii, 10, 11." 

'2 Thus, c. g., Edward Hartley perished under it in 1597. How little tho clause wao 
in thought or understood in the case of an ordinary witch is .-(uggetited by that of Joan 
Casou, who in 15S0 was about to be acquitted, when a lawyer pointed out that ihe invo- 
cation of sijiritB had been made a capital crime and she was sentenced to death.- But 
see tlie case, ns reported by Holinshed (or rather his coutinuators). f'/irynu-ds, od. of 
1807-1808, iv, 803. 



1911. 



NeiD England^ s Place in Wilchcrafl. 



207 



|k 



I 



or who slioiild for purposes of witchcraft exhume the 
dead or any part thereof. I need not discuss the super- 
stitions, hideous or nauseous, which underhe this hst 
of possible relations with den^ions. They b(3tray the 
lettered demonologist, and opened a door to charges 
and to evidence hitherto little heard in England. For 
the witchcraft causing bodily injury the new statute 
next prescribes death as the penalty for the first offense 
(instead, as heretofore, for the second) ; and, for treasure- 
seeking, the use of love-charms, or the attempt, though 
unsuccessful, to work ill to the bodies or goods of others, 
death is to be the penalty of the second offense. Here, 
then, much more than in Elizabeth's statute, the essence 
of the crime is made to lie, not in the inalejiciuvi (which 
no longer need be charged, and, if charged, no longer 
need be proved), but in the sin. It is patent how this 
mirrors the Icing's own views; yet I coukl wish we knew 
more clearly the nature and tlie measure of his part in 
it.''^ It is at least to be notcid that when, in the later 
years of his reign, the king's views were l)elieved to have 
changed, the witch-trials, too, fell olf.^' 

Alas, what I had meant for a paper is growing to 
a treatise. To my grief I must forego the tracing further 
of the influence of Calvinism. I must not so nmch as 
speak of its relation to the most notable of English witch- 
hunts — that led by Matthew Hopkins in the eastern 
counties during the period of Presbyterian dominance.'^ 



" lOdward Fuirfux, the mitlior of thut translation of Tiisso wtiich Jitmes ia aaiil to hiivs 
valuinl abovo all other Euylish poetry, tclla us that His "Majesty found a defect in the 
Btatutea, . . . by which none died for Witciioraft but they only who by that meana 
killed, so that such were executed rather as murderers than as Witches." (See his 
Discourse of Witclicrajt, Philobiblon Society's cd., "Preface to the Reader." I owe thia 
Ijassage to Dr. Noleatein, iiaving at hand only Grainge's edition, whicli lacks it.) I 
find the statement wholly credible; but we do not know the channel of his information. 

" Dr. Nolesteiu tcllii us (p. 105) thut all but one of the forty or fifty people whom we 
know to have eufi'ered for the orimo during; flie reign of James perished within his first 
fifteen years, lie has also tried (p. 105) to determine how many of thece who suffered 
death uutler the law of Jumes would not have sutTered under that of Elizabeth. He linds 
the number known to us under James much greater; but our statistics are probably so 
incomplete that little importance attaches to these figures. 

" Yet I cannot forbear, such is tlieir pertinence to the points lu question, to transcribe 
here some of the words with which the official commentary put forth by divines of the West- 
minster Assembly, in the very ye;ir (1015) when this persecution was set on foot, interprets 



208 American Antiquarian Societij. [Oct., 

More gladly yet would I attempt to point out some of 
the channels through which this C-alvinistic view of 
witchcraft made its wa}^ across the sea — the men who 
took with them to America expeiituice gained in English 
witch-trials, the wholesale migrations from regions 
committed most deeply to this view, the correspondence 
on this theme and those akin to it Letwecn tlui old home 
and the new, the return to England for edu(;ation of 
those who were to be New England's teachers — was it 
not there, just at the end of the Protectorate, that the 
young Increase Mather was drawn into the sclieme of 
the great Puritan commentator, Matthew I'oole, f(jr 
the recording on both sides of the Atlantic of those 
"remarkable providences" which were so long to keep 
alive a moribund credulity? Yes, and the pressure still 
on the New England mind of Englisli sermon and trac- 
tate — notably of that Cambridge school wIkjsc loyalt)' 
to the witch theor}' is so well known; has not Mr. MuU- 
ingehjust shown us that to Joseph Mede Cotton Mather 
owed even his conviction that the New World had be- 
come the special d\velling-place of the Satanic powers, 
now driven from the Old by tlie advance of Chris- 

I tianity?^" Above all, I should have liked to inquire 

^ ■ with you into the role played by religious party, and by 

I , 

. I and appliua tlie Momiic "Tliou ali:ilt not sulTor a uitcli tu live" (JCxoJ. xxii, 18): " VVucli- 

^' crafl in here forbidden, Ueut. IS, 10 uiid that upon puiu of death, 1 Sain. 'M, "J. Ijy \V dch 

jj IH hi're ineunt anyone that liutli any tleahngn with tiie Devi], Viy an\' eonipact or eonfcd- 

l _ cracy whatsoever. . . Some have thought Witches shouhl not dye, uulesae they had 

\, . taken away the life of mankind; but they are mistaken, botli for tfie art of the Witch, 

jlj and for tlie guilt. . . . Hut why then muat the Witch be put to death? Answ. liecause 

|l! 'of the league and coufederaey with the Dcvill, whieh is hiyli treason agaiast God; because 

■[■ he is God's Chiefeat enemy, and therefore though no hurt insuu this contract at all, 

jj- the Witch deserves present and certain death for the contract it self. " This commentary • 

;• was, it is true, not officially undertaken or revised by the Assembly; but its authors were 

chosen by u committee of Parliament front among the Assembly's leading divines (with 

I bat two or three additions from outside ) and shared from the first the Aaseml)ly'o prea- 

I ' tige. Nor may it be forgotten that just three years before, in 1G12. the great Assembly 

!j of the Kirk of Scotland (whose leaders now sat as its deputies with the Westmin.stor 

\ ■ Assemblj') liad u.^ed its new-won liberty to pass the "Act for the restraining of witch- 

j ■ .' crafl" which revived the per.secutiou in that land; nor yet that these were years when the 

I Scottish influence was at its height and the Scottish alliance moat essential to the Puritan 

5 ' ■ cause. I must add that my transcript is made from the second edition of the commeu- 

j _ tary (1051), the first not being within my reach; but the words, if changed, are not likely 

J to have been made harsher. 

"In vol. iii, just published, of his Ihalury uf (lie Uniticrmti/ of Ccinbriilge. 



li)n.| New England's Place tu Wileheidfl. 20!) 

its complications, political and social, in New England 
as in Old. Alas, for this as for so inucli else, I have 
discovered how unripe are my studies. If by something 
of thoroughness where I was best informed I have but 
shown you that the ascription of an especial res])onsibil- 
ity to Calvinism and the I'uritans is more than a loose 
assertion, I am content. But let it again l^e clearly 
understood that what I ascribe to the Calvinists, on 
either side of the sea, is only a leadership and a growing 
party support — an especial advocacy of the guilt of 
witchcraft as sin and of the duty of the Christian state 
to detect and punish sin. 

And now for a few paragraphs, without attempt at 
proof or illustrati(jn, and only to give a setting to ni}' 
thought, let me glance at what is left. I have discussed 
how the Calvinists b(^lieved in witchcraft. But, in the 
seventeenth centuiy, did not everybody believe in witch- 
craft, at least everybody except a few of the learned? 
Again I must dissent, and even more earnestl}^ The 
seventeenth century saw vast change as to belief in 
witchcraft; yet in its darkest day — and the early seven- 
teenth century was confessedly the age of greatest 
persecution — I do not believe that true. But here again 
we naist discriminate. In ivIuU witchcraft did every- 
body believe? Dr. Buckley says — and he has given 
the matter study — that witchcraft is still believed in 
by a majority of the citizens of the United States. A 
month or two ago Mr. Addington Bruce, in the Outlook, 
illustrated the persistence of superstition by studying 
its survival in the pr(jfessors at Harvard. Doubtless 
by a sufficient attenuation of the term the superstitions 
of tlie professors of Harvard might be included under 
witchcraft. Yet I doubt if Mr. l^ruce oi- Dr. Buckley 
would count the professors of Harvard, or even the ma- 
jority of the citizens of the United States, on the same 
side of the question as those who in the seventeenth 
century put women to death for their league with the 
Devil. When I hear enumerated among believers in 
witchcraft the free-thinking Bacon or the incredulous 



210 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

Hobbes, I confess to the same hesitation. In Bacon's 
utterances I can find only a cautious skepticism, very 
thinly veiled. If ITobbes concciled tliat a witch sliould 
be punished, but only for her belief and intent to do 
mischief, he stopped far short of the Calvinists an(i of 
the statute of James, and, by making it necessary to 
prove against a witch, if not an actual mischief, at least 
an actual belief and intent, made her conviction almost 
impossible without the aid of torture. And, as for 
John Selden, his famous dictum that "if one should 
profess that by turning the Hat thrice, and crying J^uz, 
he could take away a man's life, " it "were a just law . . 
. that whosoever sliould turn his Hat thrice, and cry 
Buz, with an intention to take away a man's life, shall 
be put to death," was but the formulation of a principle 
long current in Christian jurisprudence and, however 
Draconian, would in England have convicted few 
witches. And, if either Hobbes or Selden thought tliat 
witches could thus be convicted, this Avas not to believe 
in witchcraft, but only to believe that witches believed 
in witchcraft — a very different matter. 

What was true in the seventeenth century was not 
less true in the sixteenth. Nay, though to some this 
may bring surpi'ise, skejjticism shows itself more, not 
less, as one goes back toward its beginning. For — and 
my own study but confirms the results of other students 
— the truth is that skepticism had never ched. Tlie 
dogma as to witchcraft was a new one, and the Domin- 
icans had had an up-hill fight to bring it in. In the early 
years of the sixteenth century it looked nmch as if they 
might lose tliat fight. Over nothing ditl the all-popular 
Humanists make more merry than over the credulity 
and blood-thirstiness of the monkish witcli-l)urners. 
Agrippa was only the boldest of the group. If then for 
a time the open protests were hushed, the explanation 
is simple. The Church had spoken. The Lutheran 
revolt had discredited Ilimianism and she fell back on 
the Dominicans. The Protestant orthodoxies, also a 
reaction against Humanism, soon also spoke. But doubt 



1011.] New Eiiiiland'i; Place in Wilchcrdfl. 21 1 

was only silenced, not convinced. The Chuicb spoke 
because skepticism was I'ampant; and s(j did the Protes- 
tant oi'tliodoxies. I'^iVen Calvin, in whose hearing, if 
anywhere, doubt would have been dumb, tells us of 
"the notion which some conceited persons entertain 
that all tliese things are fabulous and absurd"; and there 
is not one of the many defendei's of the superstition who 
does not com])lain of the numbers, the eminence, and 
tlie inlluence of these doubters. 

In England, as we have seen, the persecution was slow 
in asserting itself, and I beheve that there, from the 
first, the doubters were especially numerous. I am 
not ready to attempt to point them out, nor should 
I hei-e take space. In Dr. Notestein's book they may 
be met at eveiy turn; yet by no means all of them, for 
his gaze has been fixed mainly otherwhere. If any seeker 
has failed to find them, I fear it is because he has not 
looked in the right places. Bear with me and I will 
sugge.st a few cautions which I should blush to formulate, 
were they not so often overlooked. 

Iti Ihe first place, I should not look chiefly among the 
theologians, or even among the jurists. Theirs are 
the most conservative of professions — each in the field 
of its own training — and each j)rofession was early (!om- 
niitted to a definite doctrine on this subject. If I did 
look among these, it should not be first at those who have 
written comprehensive treatises. These are the men 
of systems. They are the men of soimdness. Were 
they not so, they would hardly have written treatises, 
or, if they wi'ote tr(!atises, would not easily have found 
a publisher. And if among these I did find doubters — 
and even among them doubters may be found — I should 
guess that others had led the way. xVgain — and I trtist 
I rua)^ be pardoned this treason to mj^ cloth — I should 
not look first among teachers, university or uiher. 
They are ujen of books, not of life; and they were more 
so then than now. They are often doctrinaires; and 
this question was OTie for conunon sense. Tou oft(Mi 
they too have a position to keep, an orthodoxy to main- 



1 ■ J 



( ' M / 



212 Anierican A idiquarinn Society. [Oct., 

tain. In the sixteenth and the seventeenth century 
they were even sworn to that oj-thodoxy. I would not 
look at all among the gossips or the journalists. It was 
their business to find stories and to tell thcio. 'i'liey 
have furnished us much of what we cull history; but we 
take them nnich more seriously than did their neighbors. 

1 would look among the men of practical affairs, the 
men in touch with people and with facts; menof business, 
men of society, men of politics, men of travel, physicians, 
pastors. Yet, even among these, 1 should not listen 
first to those who talk — whether in books or outside 
them. Ah, we who fancy ourselves the world's think(n-s 
because we have fallen upon tlie knack or the habit of 
being its talkers, how do we forget the long pedigree 
(jf common sense! 

And, wherever one looks, one must not look for a de- 
nial, in so many worcJs, of "the reality of witchcraft." 
That would be absurd. Nobody denies that now, how- 
ever, we have gj-own used to the careless phrase. All t.hat 
anybody denies is the reality of what somebody else 
calls witchcraft. Just so it was in that old day; only 
the word had to be deal t with more cautiously. Whoever 
accepted the authority of the Bible — and who then ven- 
tured to question it? — must, of course, liave in his mind 
a notion of something which deserved the name of witch- 
craft (or, at least, the Hebrew and Greek names he foiind 
translated by witchcraft) and which — once if not now 
— deserved death as its penalty. Of course, to that 
extent all Christians believed in witchcraft. It did not 
at all follow tliat they believed witches those whom their 
neighbors called so, or believed real what their neighbors 
laid to their charge. That was what signified — to them 
and us. Even if they did not believe, it did not follow 
that they must deny. Sensible men are not given to 
denial of what they cannot disprove, but only to doubt 
or to suspension of judgment. Nor let us expect that 
doubt to be always uttered. Utterance is not the only 
way — not always the best — for doubt to be effective, 
or for doubt to leave its trace in history. And when 



1911.1 



New EriijlaiuVs Place in WilcJicniJl. 



213 



the doubter spoke, it iiiust not mislead if he was not 
extreme. The tactful reasoner does not claim too much, 
and they who douht are oftenest men of caution, to whom 
assertion is repugnant. If he will win to mercy, he may 
even make display of sternness on all points except that 
which is cardinal — just as, on the other hand, we often 
find the harshest making most parade of moderation. 
Such ihetorical devices do not deceive us as to our 
contemporaries, but they have led historians to some 
wild judgments. 

Nor need the doubter much indulge in labored logic. 
As for "these proofs and arguments," so wrote in 1588 
Montaigne, the arch-doubter, of what were urged on 
him as i)roofs of witchcraft, "I do not pretend to unravel 
them. I often cut them, as Alexander did the knot. 
After all, it is rating our opinions high to roast other 
people alive for them." Wlien a Montaigne could 
count it prudent to write thus, how long must he and other 
level-headed folk have found it wise to act thus? Can 
anybody really suspect Michel de Montaigne of being a 
pioneer? Everybody knows the mot of Shaftesbury 
when after the Restoration he was asked his religion: 
"Madam, wise men are of but one religion." "And 
which is that?" "Madam, wise men never tell." It 
was often safer in the seventeenth century to tell one's 
religion than one's honest opinion of witchcraft. 

But such as these, it may be answered, as of Scot and 
Webster, were not "scientific rationalists." I am not 
sure that I understand the terni. Universal doubters 
they certainly were not. Such are few to-day — and it 
is perhaps as well. Men who used in their own century 
the science of the next they, of course, were not; history 
will find none in our day. But if it be scientific ration- 
alism to trust one's liuman intellect, one's human heart, 
against the dicta of authority in such things as one's 
himian faculties can test, those old days had many 
worthy of the name. 

Nor do such doubters as to witchcraft seem to me 
mere isolated men of sense. Largely they can be grouped 



\ 



214 A^nericaii Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

under certain great lines of thoufiht. Tlie great Eras- 
niian trend, the heir ol Humanism, holding its place 
between Komanist and Protestant to the century's end, 
and nowhere more potently than in England; the great 
lay trend, out of which grew the separatist sects, and, 
what was nujre, a growing body of independents or 
eclectics who trimmed between the faiths or bluned their 
edges; the great Latitudinarian trend, born of the reac- 
tion against Calvinist harshness and spreading with 
Arminianism to England from that day wlien J(jhn Hales, 
the ever memorable, listening at the Synod of Dort as 
England's observer, "bade John Calvin good-night"; 
the great "natuial" movement, which at the liands of 
jurists and philosophers held so large a place in se\'en- 
teenth-century thought; the great, albeit so luitient, 
movenicnt of experimental scieiice, of which not Bacon 
but Harvey was the best English representative: it is 
along such lines as these that doubt and protest seem to 
me to cluster. Even the Cambridge Platonists, whose 
belated credulity has been to some so puzzling, fall 
into line when one discerns how largely this credulity 
was but the premise of a philosophic creed. Exceptions 
of course there were in every group — else might we forget 
that such groups ai-e only bodies of free men bound by a 
common purpose.'^^ And let not this attemj^t to classify 
obscure my conviction that, whatever the pressure of 
education or enviromnent, there was always room for 
character, too, to echo or protest. 

It will be m'ged, however, that these doubters were, 
after all, but a minority. What the majority, counted 
by the head, may have believed, I do not know. I do 
not know how to find out. Doubtless those who believed 



" Such uii exfiuptiou uiiiong Anglicans waa Edward Fairfax, "I iutreat you to bo aa- 
Bured," he says u> hia readera, "that for inyaelf I am in religion neither a fantastic Puri- 
luu nor superatitioua I'aijist." But liis own worda auggest that lie feara hia zeal against 
tlioae whom he accii.sea of bewitcliing his children may 8tani(j him aa a l*apidt or a Puritan; 
and hia oom[)luints of tlie incredulity of tlie magiatratea, low and high, and of tlic "diviuea 
and phyaieiana" "who attribute too much t(j natural cauaea, ". wiUi hia lament that 
the witchea, when examined, "wanted not both couuaellora and aupportera of the beat," 
show hia conaciouanesa of iaohition. (See hia Discount on ]i'ili.hiriifl, ed. Orainge, 
Harrogate, 1882 — pp. 32, 36, and paxsiin.) 



ion, 



New England's Place in WilcJierafl. 



215 



I 



made the most noise. I suspect that, counted by the 
head, the majority was, as usual, on the side of the kitest 
speaker — and most of the speakers were against the 
witches. Probably it believed in the church and doubted 
on the street. If "belief" means to believe sometliing 
as to witches, everybody believed; if it means to believe 
everything, everybody doubted. Doubtless there were 
as many different shades as to belief as there were souls; 
and, as there was no vote to be given, doubtless few found 
it necessary to take careful measure of their own opinions. 
But what has all this to do with New England? I 
am sadly aware how little my paper has justified its 
title. Yet all I have urged has had New England as its 
goal. It was only a running start I meant to take, and, 
though I have reached the jumping-off place before I am 
ready, I am going to make the jump. I cannot acquit 
our ancestors on the gi-ound that their belief in witch- 
craft was universal or was not discreditable or was more 
logical than disbelief. On the contrary I am forced to 
admit that it was superstitious and bigoted and cruel, 
even by the standards of their own time; tiuit they clung 
to it when it was dying out in all but the most belated 
parts of Christendom; that, thougli in a few sequestei'cd 
regions, the trials dribbled on yet for a century, their 
final panic was the last on such a scale in any Christian 
land.^'^ Their transatlantic home I cannot think an 
(ixcuse. New homes have always made new men, and 
no new home has more proved its emancipating power 
tlian has America. Its very discovery set men dream- 
ing of freedom. Here Thomas More placed that No 
Man's Land where all old fetters, social and religious, 
were unknown. Here the more practical dreamers 
planted their colonies for the working out of every fresh 
experiment in human living. Hither came the men who 
had broken, or were eager to break, the bonds of preju- 
dice and of convention; and four centuries have proved 



'" That tlie latest witcb-huiiging ia England was in 1682, ten yeura before tlio Sulum 
outbruuk, :iik1 tliat tho talu'i uf later executions uro Ijut tlie work of literary shyaler:), 13 
convincingly ahowu by Ur. Notesteiu (pp. SYo^SS'-). 



216 Ay/icrican Antiqvarian Society. [Of;t., 

the soundness of their hope. One thing is sure: we 
must not ))low hot and cold with the same breath. If 
our fathers were the helpless victims of circumstance, 
then they were not its masters. If they were the'blame- 
less heirs of superstition, then they were not 

"men of present valor, stalwart old iconoclusts, 
Ujiconvinccd by axe or gibbet that ail virtue is the past's." 

For my part, I cannot plead for them the baby act. 
Mitigating elements I can see. If Lhey must follow 
Old-World fashions, they must be content, of course, 
to get them last and keep them latest. If they could' 
believe such crimes of their neighbors, they were at least 
men who met them by action. 11" that action was cruel, 
it was but the carrying out, in spirit and letter, of a law 
which, within the limits of conscience, they doubtless 
counted themselves bound to enforce. I am not asking 
you to think them worse than the neighbors who shrank 
into the backgiound and took sides for neither justice 
nor mercy, belief nor doubt. I am far from arguing 
that, take them all in all, they were worse men than they 
who bravely stood against them. Their opponents, 
too, had doubtless the faults of their o\'/n qualities. 
But, if this be to acquit thenr, they would themselves 
have scorned the subterfuge. They were disci])k;s of 
Him whose message was "Be ye perfect;" ancestors of 
hun who bids us hitch our wagon to a star. Wlien the 
light at length dawned on them, not their stubborn 
pride, not their fierce convictions, not their predestin- 
ai'ian theology, could make thenr seek excuse in good in- 
tentions, in circumstances, or in providence. Confessing 
"I have sinned," they made amends as best they could; 
and therefore in New England, as nowhere else within 
my knowledge, tlie matter ended — and for good and all. 
From that day till this no corner of the earth has been 
so free fronr cruel superstitions. 

Ah, "till this. " Tlie horizon is by no means free ficnn 
clouds. Though the name of "belief in witchcraft" 
is now in disrepute, I am not so sure as is Professor 



1911.1 



New England's Place in Witchcraft. 217 



' I 



^ 



Kittredge as to the superstition and tlie cruelty for wliich 
it stood. That old wit(!h-mania was no survival of tlie 
Middle Ages. It was born and came to its prinu; in 
centuries which saw the greatest burst of Christian 
civilization. If I would liave History unfhnching, it 
is not because I think we are better than our fathers. 
It is because deep in ourselves I feel still stirring the 
impulses which led to their mistakes. It is because I 
fear that they who begin by excusing their ancestors 
may end by excusing themselves. May Histoiy do 
so unto us and more also if through blindness to their 
failings we repeat their faults. 



il 



(^ 



218 Aincrican Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 



THE RUINS AT TIAIIUANACO. 

BY ADOLPIl FUANCIS BAMDIOLIKK. 



I cannot pretend to oft'er anytliing ai)i)ioxiniatoly 
comparable to tlie learned and elaborate works i)ubli,slied 
on Tialiuanaco by Dr. Stuebel and ]3r. Max Uhle', or in 
any way analogous to E. J. ^quier's brilliant descriptions."'' 
Our stay at Tialiuanaco was limited to nineteen days, dur- 
ing which time 1 found m3';;elf sorely ti'ied by tlic efh^cts 
of altitude^ and of the not over-salubiious (dim;ite. 
The prohibition, l>y the Bolivian CJovernment, to exca- 
vate in or about the ruins, rendered all subsoil investi- 
gation impossible and our limited collections were 
obtained ahoost by way of contraband; through pur- 
chase from Indians, who mostly came at night to avoid 
the vigilance of the authorities. Hence siu'veying (jf 
the ruins, observations on the nature of the country and 
on Indian customs, fragments of folk-tales, and s(jme 
data from ancient church-books, constituted tiie fruits 
of our activity there. A })rovisional Museum, destined 
to preserve the antiquities of Tialiuanaco, had been 
recently opened at that village, and we saw in the rudi- 
mentary collection a number of specimens illustrating 
the type of artefacts. The larger curved blocks which 
this little Museum contained, displayed the uncouth and 
angular style of sculpture ])eculiar to the well-known 
monoliths. The pottery found at Tialiuanaco shows 
three distinct types. One seems to lie peculiar to the 
site, as nowhere else, as far as known, is it met with, 
except as intrusive specimens. It is supposed to be the 
work of the unknown people wlio built the edifices now 
in a condition of lamentable ruin, and who carved the 



« 



I, 

L '. 



H)ll.| The Ruins at. T'uthuanaco. 21!) 

famous iiioiKjliths. Tlic style ul" (jnuuneiiiation, as can 
readily be seen, is original and while there may he, as 
Dr. Uhle stated to tlie writer, a tj-ace of Tiahuanaco in- 
fluence in ceramics of other points in Peru and Bolivia, 
it is so distinct and characteristic, that we may admit it as 
due to the inhabitants from a time of which only tlie 
dimmest traces of recollections have survived. 

The characteristic Inca or Cnzco pottery comes next. 
Inca visits to Tiahuanaco took place probably in the fif- 
teenth century and the specimens found are, in all likeli- 
hood, imported, and were not manufactured on the spot. 

Finally there is a third class, which may be called 
Aymara, since it is identical with the vessels found 
everywhere in Aymara ruins, so-called "Chullpas," 
over the Puna, and was C(jntinued with modifications 
during historic times. That pottery may have been 
partly coeval with the oldest forms. We do not know 
if the Aymard then occuj)ied the country oi- not. But 
it is certainly, in part, contempoi'aneoas with the appear- 
ance of the Incas, and with the earlier times of Spanish 
domination. All these types are represented (or were 
in 1S94), at the rudimentary Museum of which I speak. 

Of metallic objects, especially in copper and bronze, 
th(!re wei'e at tlie Museum quite a num))er, and among 
these, T-shaped clamps. Textures and wooden (^ui)S 
presented little that was of special note, although we 
saw two Keros or sacrificial cups well painted and deco- 
rated with carvings in relief.'* In shoi-t, the Museum 
was a fair beginning, if one takes into consideration 
the charactei- of the people and the difficulties in the 
way of gathering and preserving relics of the past. 

The situation of Tiahuanaco is peculiar. A long and 
not very wide valley descends towards the shores of 
Lake Titicaca. On the east, this valley is bordered 
by a crest dividing it from the plateau Puna. On the 
west runs a similar ridge culminating in a peak called 
Quimsa-Chata.^ Hence Tiahuanaco lies in a trough 
that slopes very gently to the lake. The width of that 
trough varies, nowhere exceeding three miles. At the 



220 American A nliquarian Socich/. [Oct., 

village itself the trough comes to a, sudden break or step. 
The stretch separating Tiahuanaeo from the shoi'es 
of the lake at Tluaijui,*^ is wider than the valley higher 
up, and the sudden break at tlie pueblo has created the 
belief that the lake formerly extended as far. Hence 
one of the interpretations of the word ''Tiahuanaeo" 
rests on the assumption that it meant originally "dry 
shore," in Aymai-a. Monoliths, similar to those at 
Tiahuanaeo, have l^een found l)y Dr. Max XJhlc on or 
near the lake-shore at Uakidlani; tliere exist some at 
Pilapi, four, leagues from the ruins, and other partly 
sculptured stones are said to lie on the flanks of Quimsa- 
Chata. 

This bears on the question of the origin of the rock out 
of which the monoliths are carved. The point has 
always been raised, how such en(jrmous blocks could 
have been placed there. It was suggested that, many 
of them being andesite, the nearest point whence they 
could have been obtained was the peninsula of Copa- 
cavana. It has been overlooked, tliat a number of the 
carved blocks are of the permian sandstone cropping 
out at Tiahuanaeo. Tliis is not the case with the 
material of the great doorway and other large and small 
pieces, but the tallest column and many otlier sculptured 
pieces are of tlie reddisli sandstone undcilying the soil. 
Mr. Sundt, who is quite an authority on Bolivian geology 
and lithology, has suggested that the andesite blocks of 
Tiahuanaeo are erratic' This does aAvay with part of 
the mystery. The existence of similar sculptures in 
other regions contiguous to the lake (as at Kalaki on 
the peninsula of Huata) and elsewhere on that same pen- 
insula, was ignored or overlooked. 

The general plan made by me of the surface ruins 
cannot he reproduced here. Excavaticjns beiiig pro- 
hibited, I could not jMinetrate the soil and seciue more 
data on the original extent of arcliitectural vestiges. 
The main question is, where were the ahddea of the 
people tliat raised the monuments. Not a single con- 
struction has been found, indicating a house. >Since 



191 



The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. 



221 



Tiahuanaco was first seen by the Spaniards no mention 
has been made of dwellings. And yet the chur(;h of 
Tiahuanaco, and many of the uctual houses, are built 
of stones from the ruins, and when one asks for the 
place whence these blocks were taken, the usual reply 
is that they came from the surroundings of the main 
mounds. Trenches and grooves have been shown to 
us with the remark, that they had contained the foun- 
dations of smaller buildings that seemed to iiave been 
houses. The size and outline of these dugouts would 
indicate that the dwellings of the ancient people of 
Tiahuanaco were about of tlie dimensions and form of 
actual Indian houses on the Puna. The fact of the 
matter is, tliat attention has only been jxiid to the strik- 
ing remains of Tiahuanaco, and the more modest features 
neglected, although the most important, because illus- 
trative of the mode of living of the people. But since 
it has been so, it is well to cast a glance at the striking 
features and what they indicate. 

Two eminences, certainly natural, attract attention 
at once. One is a mound, and by no means the only one 
in the vicinity; the narrow vale is dotted with such 
accunrulations of rcxldish eartli. Tlie other is a gradual 
rise, with red permian rocks cropping out in a few places. 
The former is called Akka-pana, the latter, Puma- 
puncu. I do not venture to etymologize the name of 
the former, for if there has been a place in creation where 
etymologizing has run riot, it is Tiahuanaco, and I leave 
it to learned men to discuss woril,-. I'uma-Puncu has 
never had its meaning disputed, hence 1 t>nuply adopt 
what everybody else says that is: that it means in 
Aymard the door or gate of the Puma, or cougar, or Amer- 
ican panther.^ It is impossible to surmise why it bears 
that name, for nothing in the aspect of the vestiges bears 
any relation to that animal. Nor does it seem certain 
that either of these names is original; they may have 
arisen during the early period of Spanish colonization. 
In parentliesis I would observe, that the Jesuit Father 
Bernab^ Cobo, in his Ilistoria del Nuevo Mundu, from 



222 Atiurican Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

the early part of the seventeenth eentury, states that 
the proper name for Tiahuanaco is Tay])i-kalaj or stom; 
in tlie middle or center.'-' Tins designation is legitimate- 
ly Indian, since it agrees with the Indian's halnt of 
considering his pueblo as the nriddle of his known world. 

The Monnd of Akka-pana seems to have been, not 
merely surronnded, but even to a certain extent i)lated, 
with a wall of well dressed stones, parallelop{)ipeds of 
andesite, fitted without binding-material. In the center 
of the mound is a depression similar to a deep excavation 
to the level of the surrounding plahi. On its ujjper 
rim lie scattered blocks, carved and polished, that may 
have belonged to some courtyard or enclosure. Rows 
of similar blocks, of smaller size, stand to one side on 
the summit. But there is so little k'ft, and what n;- 
mains is so discomiected, that no conclusicjns are possible. 
Foundations of edifices are not visible. In a rent, 
descending towards the north, are what may be the 
two sides of a narrow channel encased by polished stones. 
A few large blocks, fairly cut and rubbed, lie scattei'ed 
on the slopes.^" 

Along tlie nortfiern base of Akka-pana are the great 
courtyards ft)rmcd by huge prismatic stone jiillars. In 
the outer of these courts stands the sculptured gateway. 
It was, time ago, rent by a thunderb(jlt. The tall 
statue which stands in the same ccjurtyard and south 
of the gateway was placed upright in modern times. 
It was lying on the ground nearby. .Afterwards, un- 
fortunately, this monolith was usc;d as a target by in- 
fantry soldiers, so that the face is considerably damaged. 

Kows of erect stones, some rude, others cut in the 
form of prisms, seem to indicate the former existence 
of ottier enclosures more or less cotmected with the 
mound. Between Akka-pana and the village of Tiahu- 
anaco are similar remains. Some of the blocks are very 
large. Southwest of Akka-pana, between it and the 
site called Puma-jjuncu, stands a rectangular gateway, 
apparently isolated. Not far from it lies prostrate a 
group of curious monoliths representing uncouth human 



1911. 



T)ie Ruins at TiahHonaco. 



223 



^ 



figures, one of which measures not less tliun eighteen 
feet in lengtli. One of its eiuls shows tliat it foi'inerly 
stood U])i'ight. It is inipossihic to deteniiine if tliis gate- 
way and tlie monohths oecuj^y tlieir original position." 

East, or rather east-north-east, from Akka-pana, is 
a group of luige ski])S to wliicli the Indians of Tiahuanaco 
give the name of Kahsasaya. The ])rinri]nd of tfiese 
is approximately (luadrangular with an artificial rec- 
tangular d(4)ression, into which lead diminutive steps. 
I refrain from giving a detailed description since this 
stone has been i)hotographed frequently and since the 
late E. G. Scjuier has tlevoted some speculatio]i as to its 
possible object. More elaborate yet are the very careful 
observations of Messrs. Stuebel and Uhle.'- Rows of 
erect stones seem to be connected witli this mysterious 
slab. It lies in a hollow and may still tx; in its original 
position. 

The site called Fuma-i)uncu is located south of the 
village and southwest of Akka-pana. Appaj'ently, there 
is no connection between the two places, still we have 
traced vestiges of enclosures on the level between them. 
Both were evidently parts of one comjjlex. Puma- 
puncu is a natural eminence, a gently slojjing ridge. 
On its northern side lie several carved blocks of consider- 
able thickness. But the main feature of Puma-|)uncu 
is the platform of stone rutldessly shattered fur the 
purpose of treasure-seeking. Its cliief feature are the 
seats of stone cut in its surface and which liave led to 
the popular behef, that it was a place of justice. It 
seems that it was carved out of the rock hi situ. Smaller 
carved prisms, but of andesite, in rows, are seen near 
and around it as well as on tlie liill itself. There is 
nothing about tJiis momunent or its sui-i'oundings, that 
gives a clue to its original purpose." 

Taking into accoiuit the area covered by all the vesti- 
ges about Tialiuanaco, to tlie furtliest (!orner stone or 
isolated i)illar; su])posing besides, that this whole area 
was covered with dwellings, and allowing for each in- 
habitant the smallest possible space, we could not assign 



Y- 



224 A7ncrican Anliquarian Society. [Oct., 

to the original population a greater number than six 
thousand souls. 15ut this rough guess has no value 
since we have no knowledge of the character of the 
buildings. That Tiahuanaco once was a settlement 
admits of no doul)t. The mere fact that the oldest 
traditions mention a people who lived there and the 
manner in which that people became extinct, proves it. 
That the inhabitants disappeared previous to the fif- 
teenth century seems ef(ually certain. At least, if 
those who were found on the spot by tlie Inca tribe of 
Cuzco were their descendants, they no loiiger dwell in 
the ancient edifices, liaving modilied tlieir manner of 
living. Such changes were not unusual among seden- 
tary Indians. I recall the Pimas of southern Arizona, 
who clahn to have built and occupied the great edifices 
of Casa grande, Casa l)lanca and others along the lower 
Gila river, whereas their descendants, when first met 
with by whites, dwelt in circular huts like those inliabited 
by them to-day. At the time when the northern Pimas 
had relapsed into a mon^ primitive style of living, their 
Bouthern relatives, the Pimas of central Sonora, still 
preserved the solid architecture of large adobe buildings, 
and it is to the early reports on this southern branch and 
their abodes that we owe our knowledge of the purpose 
of the ancient buildings in Arizona." Hence the fact 
that Tiahuanaco was in ruins when the Incas first 
visited it does not necessaj'ily militate against a p(jssi- 
bility of its builders having been ancestors of the AymariS 
Indians. 

That thei'e existed dwellings in former times is beyond 
doubt. Tliat they are not mentioned by earlier visitors, 
from the sixteenth century for instance, is ])ardonable. 
The statues, huge slabs and portals monopolized their 
attention just as, even now, they absorb the attention 
of visitors. Nobody has inquired into the origin of the 
thousands of small prismatic blocks of andesite, quad- 
rangular as well as i)olygonal, of which the walls of the 
church at Tiahuanaco are built and with which some of 
the narrow streets of that village are partly paved. 



1911.1 



The Ruins at Tilth lumaco. 



225 



Much of this inalcrial has, also, entered into tlie con- 
struction of the actual dwellings. And these blocks were 
not cut lately, they were found in their present shape." 
1 was shown depressions rivalling, in size and (contour, 
what would be the result, if ruins in tlie Cordillera were 
removed and only the foundations left. I was assured 
that from these depressions, whicli are at best two fcset 
in depth, floors or pavements of small cut blocks like 
those mentioned wei'e taken out. Hence I do not 
regard it as impossible that the plan and size of dwellings 
oi the builders of Tiahuanaco might have been similar 
to that of ancient houses in the I^olivian Cordillera or 
on the peninsula of iJuata. 

Residents of places where ruins exist are always 
liberal in offering explanations. Every one nearly has 
some suggestion to make, ajid, in the course of time, 
what originally is a surmise assumes the shape of a 
fact. It is therefore with reluctance, to say the least, 
that I repeat explanations given us about "dwellings" 
of the builders of ancient Tiahuanaco. I was assured, 
for instance, that, while the floors of the houses were of 
cut stone, the buildings themselves were of adobe. 
The red soil of the valley makes a very tough adobe. 

That soil is fertile, but permeated with water. Aside 
from several springs, some of which show vestiges of 
having been enclosed and ])rovid(!d witli conduits of 
cut stone in ancient times, the surface of the ruins is 
dotted with pools that do not even disajjpear in the driest 
season. When it i-ains, many fields become swamps. 
The stream proper is not deep, and partakes of the 
nature of a mcnaitain torrent. Channels of stone have 
been dug up in the fields around the main ruins and 
inside of ancient enclosures. There exists at l^a Paz 
a grooved slab, the groove forming an elbow. Such 
channels were not, at Tiahuanaco, needed for iirigation. 
Tliey may have been intended for drainage."^ I refer 
to what I have written, eleven years ago, on the so-called 
Baths of the Inca on the Island of Titicaca, where the 
drainage of the hills was collected in long troughs 



226 ■ American Anliquaviati Socicli/. [Oct., 

behind th(^ walls of Audonos, eniptyinji; inlo oix'ii con- 
duits down the «loije to the hike. At Tialiuanaco 
wherever the soil i.s dug to a comparatively small dei)th, 
water rises to tlie surface. The site of the prescuit 
village lies higher than the ruins, hence is drier. Hut 
if it should be true, as nearly every'oody ass;'rts, tliat 
in former times the lake bathed the fuot of llie (■niinciice 
on which the present village stands, it is possible that 
tlie ]ieople of old did not occupy that eminence, but 
used it as a natural rampai't against possible encroach- 
ments of the lake.'' It may be, therefore, that the 
stone floors had the object of securing dryness to anci-'iit 
houses. 

Why the old inhabitants of Tiahuanaco should have 
selected a site for residence that had the great disad- 
vantage of being moist may be explahied thi-ough the 
fact that, by settling on a higher level, agricultural 
possibilities would have been minimized. 'I'he valley 
narrows, and the climate becomes colder. TJie hacien- 
das are not farms, but what might be termed "cattle 
ranches." Hence the original builders of Tiahuanaco 
descended as far as possible, down to the original limits 
of the lake. 

There tliey struck a building material unicjue in it,s 
way. It is stated that on the height of Quhnsa-chata, 
some ten or twelve miles to the southeast of Tiahuanaco, 
is found the andesite which composes a large proportion 
of the material used in the monuments of Tiahuanaco.^" 
But there are, at the ruins, a number of blocks of por- 
tentous size, that are untouched; there are also a certain 
number touched by cutting. Eithei' tliere has been a 
systematic imi)ortation of stone, on a scale equalling 
transportation of building material in modern times, 
and with means unknown, or else the material existed 
there already. Tlie latter is the opinion of two }jersons, 
one-of whom I have the honor of knowhig intimately, 
whereas the other I merely know through his works. 
The former is my friend, Mr. Alexander L. Dun, and the 
latter, Mr. Sundt, a litliologist of distinction. The 



1011. 



The Ruins at Tia}mar\aco. 



227 



sedentary American aborigine needs, for existence, 
comparatively little. He requires land of sufiicient 
fertility to yield modest crops. He requii'es water, 
building material, and security from enctviies. The 
chase and iishing need not be mentioned, for, with 
the lake nearby and the supply of meat alfoi'ded by 
the vicufia, and the llama as a domestic animal, these 
conditions were readily filled. At Tiahuanaco, the soil 
is fertile enougli and tlie climate not too cold for raising 
indigenous staples: potatoes, quina, and oca. Maize 
cannot grow there, and flourishes at only a few places 
on the puna. But with the vegetables enumerated 
and with whatever meat indigenous animals gave, the 
Indian lived, even exceptionally well. Water there is 
in abundance and the lake afforded fishing. The build- 
ing material could, of C(jurse, not be wood. But the 
erratic blocks spread over the locality and the slopes 
encasing the valley, induced tlie Indian to use tliem for 
erecting permanent shelters. In those altitudes, the 
first requisite was that man should be protected from 
cold. The tribe that settled at Tiahuanaco (for causes 
unknown) liad only two materials at their disposal: adobe 
and stone. Of their use of adobe we have no evidence. 

Since stone was used by preference at Tiahuanaco 
it must liave been compai'atively abundant. Tlie 
supposition that it was shipped to tlie place from points 
on the lake, by a people who have not left any trace at 
those points, is very ingenious. But we have, nearer 
at hand, the fact that an abundance of erratic blocks 
are scattered over tlie site of the ruins and over the slojies 
encasing the valley, and tliat, furthei'more, many of 
the blocks are carved out of the rock in situ. Hence 
the material was on the spot. To cut it and carve it 
was the only question. 

Copper tools oeciu" in relative abundance and to a 
lesser degree, implements of the accidental bronze found 
promiscuously through South American ruins. Either 
of these materials is hard enough to cut the stone used at 
Tiahuanaco. The smelting of copper was, as our finds 



228 American AtiUqunrian Socivly. [Oct., 

in otlier parts ol' the ccAiutry prove, known aniou^ the 
Quichuas. There is one pecuJiarity in the Tialiuanaeo 
ruins. Tlie huge stones liave, in inany instances, been 
fastened together by cojjpej- clamps, 'V, oi- jatlier I 
shaped, and tliese chimps are cast! This shows not 
merely that the art of casting in I'ude moulds was known 
to the ])eoi)le, but it also di'Udtes considejuble ingenuity 
in architectural contiivances. To use metallic fasten- 
ings in stone work is rather exceptional among primitive 
people. Still, if tlie workmanship on the carved l^locks 
is carefully (examined it will be sec;n tliat the adjustment 
was approximate. In f)rd(T to fasten together hori- 
zontal slabs, contact was not sufficient. The wall 
on the outside of Akkapana needed no clam[)s; mere 
superposition held it, but the horizontal fragments of 
enormous size at l\una-puncu had to be tied by s(jme- 
thing moi'e ductile than stone, and less ludky. llejice 
copper (or bronze) were resorted to.'^ Tluae are also 
holes drilled to a certain de])tli into many blocks; Air. 
Scjuier lias suggested tliat they were made to insc'i't 
bars of copper destined to hold together vertical pieces. 
No such bars have been found as yet.'-" 

In regard to the implements with which the erratic 
blocks as well as tlie rock in situ at Tiahuanact) wei'e 
cut and carved, the finds of artefacts only i-eveal the 
existence (.)f cojjper and bronze tools. We saw no st(jne 
hammers, but, as no excavations were permitted, we 
are not pi-epared to formulate any opini(jn. ^I'lune 
must have Ixien tools for breaking as well as for cutting, 
and it is more likely that the former were of stone tiian 
of the few sites, in Bolivia, where obsidian flakes and 
chips occiu', but whatever artefacts we gathered or saw 
of that mineral were only arrowlieads or occasional awls. 
Nothing larger came to our notice. The implements 
used for the elaborate sculptures and for cutting faces 
and angles of building stones, may thei'cfore iKjt have 
been of obsidian. That for the transport of laige blocks, 
wooden rollers and levers were used, is presumable. 
We saw just as large blocks as any of those at Tialiuanaeo, 



1911.1 



Tlie Ruins at Tinhuanaco. 



229 



scattered over the valley at the foot of the hill of Sillus- 
tani near Puna. These blocks, it was clearly seen, had 
been moved by means of ropes and levers. \'\niether 
the people of Tiahuanaco used ropes is not known, but 
we found and sent to the nmseum, from other parts of 
Bolivia, specimens of quite thick, though nnich decayed, 
ro})ing. 

I am informed by Mr. Alexander L, Dun that at a 
place called Huan-kollu, not far from Tiahuanaco, huge 
blocks of andesite arc found and tliat thei-e are traces 
of these blocks having been transported down hill by 
means of levers of wood.-^ 

The occurrence of artefacts of obsidian is m^t limited 
to Tialiuanaco. A zone of obsidian finds extends from 
there as far north as the village of Pucarani, some eight 
leagues from La Paz and about four leagues from the 
port of Chililaya. The ancient name of the height 
overlooking that village was, according to Calancha, 
Quesca-Marca, signifying in Aymara: "village or place 
of flint," and thus called from the abundance of flint 
and obsidian fragments (including arrow heads) found 
there. Dr. Uhle collected quite a large number of 
arrow-heads on that site. In the first days of 1897 we 
went to the Hacienda of Santa Ana, distant four leagues 
from Pucarani, where the original settlement and strong- 
hold of Pucarani probably stood.-' It was (jur purpose 
to investigate that site first, then proceed to Pucarani 
and aft(?rwards, following the traces of obsidian, reach 
Tiahuanaco, in order to find out where obsidian exists 
in situ. The Indians drove us away. All we noticed 
was that the slopes of the; two heights overlooking the 
Hacienda, while abundantly covered with broken re- 
mains of stone implements, showed no trace of obsidian. 
Hence it would seem that the site of, or some site near, 
Pucarani is the northern terminus of the obsidian 
region. At Tiahuanaco proper we found no signs 
of natural occurrence of either obsidian or flint. 

The Indians of the region called Pacajes (now a 
Province of the Department of La Paz) where Tiahuan- 



230 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

aco is located, were probably tlie only ones in central and 
northern Bolivia who used the bow and the lUnt (or 
obsidian) tipped arrow. -^ It is perhaps a question 
whether the occurrence of the material naturally led to 
the manufacture of the implements and tlieir use, or 
whether tlie art of chipping was imfjorted. Strange it 
appears that neither arrow-shafts nor bows have been 
found as yet. The tall reed (totora) growing in Lake 
Titicaca, may have furnished the material for shafts 
and light spears, also for throwing-sticks. None of 
the latter have, to my knowledge, ever been found, which 
is not conclusive proof that they did not exist. The 
nearest tiniber on the east can be reached, from Puca-. 
rani, in about two days, by steady walking. '•^'Whether 
the builders of Tiahuanaco themselves chipped arrow- 
Leads is uncertain, as these artefacts have almost 
invariably been picked up on the surface. 

Fhnt implements are abundantly found on the north- 
ern coast of Chile. ^^ We sent, from tlie vicinity of Arii;a, 
quite a number of flint-arrowheads and some lUnt-knives, 
dug up with well preserved skeletons. Cieza has pre- 
served a tradition, according to which a tribe or band 
of Cliilean Indians, in times of remotest antiquity, 
crossed the passes of the coast-range to the shores of 
Lake Titicaca.-'^ 

Carved monoliths exist elsewhere in the vicinity of 
the lake. They are not the heirloom of a particular 
tribe or people, but the natural outcome of a certain 
degree of culture, brought in contact with the proper 
material. 

The monoliths at Kalaki and otlier points on the pen-' 
insida of Huata are very nearly as tall as those of Tia- 
huanaco. Their style is ruder, but not so angular. 
Those of Chavin de Huantar in ceutial eastern Peru 
resemble, through their ornamentation, the Tiahuanaco 
art more closely; they seem like an interinediate between 
it and the sculptures of Copan and Palenque." This 
is said with the very positive reserve that I do not 
intimate any relationship between peoples so very 



1911.] The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. 231 

remote from each other as the inhabitants of Chiapas 
and Honduras, Peru and BoUvia. 

Of the interpretations of the car\dngs of Tiahuanaco, 
especially of those on the great doorway, I only wish to 
say that since we know nothing of their makers, I hold 
it absolutely idle to speculate on supposed symbols. 
We have no means of surmising even, whetlier those 
sculptures were intended to be symbolical. They may 
be reproductions of living beings, conventionalized, or 
imperfect. At the Museum of La Paz (one of tlie most 
interesting and attractive collections, although a heter- 
ogeneous agglomeration) there are a few specimens of 
stone-sculptures of animals purporting to have come 
from Tiahuanaco and which are not absolutely without 
resemblance to nature. Ancient Tiahuanaco pottery 
has heads of condors and of pumas or tigers vigorously 
executed and supposed to have been made by the people 
who carved the monoliths, but positive evidence we 
have not.^** 

Leaning against the outer walls of the church of 

I Tiahuanaco, are two large statues, representing each, 
|| a sitting or squatting human form. They are so dis- 

II figured tliat it is impossible to appreciate their original 
[I degree of perfection. It is my impression that they 
I are simply re])resentations of people in their ancient 
I costume. Tliat costume, as well as the garments on 

,- j the tall monolith at tlie foot of i\kka-pana, appears like 

that described as worn by the Aymards at tlie time of 
the conquest.^" 

One of the cliief wonders of Tiahuanaco has always 
been the cutting and joining of the stone-work. But 
no attention has been paid to its imperfections. The 
edges and planes, the angles and faces, do not bear the 
test of the level and of the square. It is rule of thumb, 
patiently carried out, Indian fashion, and regardless of 
time. We have tested many specimens and found 
nowhere the perfection so loudly praised.^" In that 
respect, the ruins of Tiahuanaco recall to a certain ex- 
tent the ruins of Mitla, with their tall, round pillars, their 



r 



232 Aniencan Anliquan'dn Socle ty. [OcL, 

enormous lintels, and tlie walls plated with caic;fully 
rubbed Hags neatly joined by superjiosition, but devoid 
of symmetry. The stone work of Tiahuanaco is by no 
means superior to that of Sillustani and Cuzco. 

The nomenclature applied to the different parts of 
the ruins is absolutely valueless. Names like: "the 
fortress," "court or seat of Justice," "temple," etc., 
etc., have no meaning unless supported by orighial tradi- 
tion. With Tiahuanaco we lack completely that sujjport. 
The rows of stones, tlie great pillars, indicate enclusurcs, 
inferior in size to the enormous ones on the l^eruvian 
coast. We miss, at Tiahuanaco, the rudirnents of every 
reasonable basis even for conjectuni. Tradition, as 
far as known, gives no clue to the jjurpose of edifices, 
the sad wreck of which we contemplate. That this 
wreck dates chie/iy from times anterior to the Spanish 
conquest is a well-known fact.^\ 

The traditions concerning these ruins only tends to 
indicate that they may be quite ancient for that part 
of South America. They are cliiefl}^ connected with 
myths of the creation of the human race, and in their 
present form include Christian, hence intrusive, elements. 
'''-These tales, it may be, gave rise to the name "taypi- 
kala" (stone of the middle or center) which was known 
in the seventeenth century as tlie Aymard name f(jr 
the place. Tiahuanaco is a riddle which we nmst not 
despair of solving, but which at present defies the 
ingenuity of speculation. 

We tj'ied very hard to secure some aiicient folklore 
from the Tialmanaco Indians, but with very little result. 
Our ignorance of the Aymara language may be one of 
the reasons for that failure, but we know that many 
who are conversant with that idicjm failed also. We 
secured some talk from an old man, but he was most 
uru'cliable. He told us that tlie large stones out of 
which tlie monoliths are made were originally lying on 
the slopes north of Tiahuanaco, and that tlie "Clentiles" 
kicked them down into the valley, without the aid of 
mechanical appliances. Once at the bottom, the "Gen- 



1911.] • The Ruins at Tialnutnaco. 233 

tiles" lifted them up by mere bodily Htreiigth, bruisiiif;; 

their hands and bodies so that the blood used to stream 

I • down. These "Gentiles" were, according to him, pre- 

; cui'sors of the people who lived in the "Chulli)as" or 

ruins scattered so profusely over the puna. The age 

when th(i "Clent.iles" Ihnirished was the age of God- 

1^ Father and tiie "Gentiles" were destroyed by a flood, 

I whiclt destruction our informant called " Juicio-unia" 

or judgment of water or by water. Tliereupon came 

j the second age, that of the ChulljDas: these people, when 

j' the sun appeared for the first time, stood on their heads, 

'■ and for that i-eason their houses fell in and crushed them, 

\: and this is wliy the bodies in the "ChuUpas" are all 

j ■ in a squatting posture. Informant also said that 

! at the time of the "Gentiles" there was but one "Inca, " 

; but that Avhen the ChuUpas lived, there were a great 

I number. The present age will end with the judgment 

of fije " Juicio-nina" and then will come the age of the 

[, Holy Ghost about which nothing is known. The Chris- 

\ tian element in these stories is manifest. But the state- 

■ ment that the "Clentiles" and the "ChuUpas" (who 

i are the ancient Ayinanis) wei'e not contemjjoraneous, 

(if authentic) w^ould indicate that the ancient people 

of Tiahuanaco were anterior to the "ChuUjias" or that 

at least they were of a dilTerent stock. Some fragments 

of traditions which we secured from settlers do not even 

deserve to be mentioned. 

I must yet mention a feature wliich we noticed at the 
village. We obtained several skulls. Some among 
tliem show the artificial deformity peculiar to older 
Aymara crania, namely: Uattening of the forehead. 
This custom, linfited to males, was in general use at the 
time of the conquest and it required severe edicts from 
the Viceroys, especially from Don Francisco de Toledo 
in tlie years Ijetween 1570 and 1575, to abolisli it.''^ 
Hence artificial flattening was practiced by the Indians 
of Bolivia until the close of the sixteenth century, if 
not later. Now the village of Tiahuanaco rests, as we 
have seen ourselves, on a thin layer of ashes, human and 



234 American AnLiqxiarian Society. [Oct., 

animal bones; also skulls! This layer is at a depth of 
from two to three feet beneath the surface, its tliickness 
varying from a few inches to a foot and more, and tlie 
crania are deposited in it i)romiscuously. We could 
not liear of any artefacts having been met with, but 
this is no proof of their non-existence. Whether the 
skulls found in that layer are of the oldest inhabitants 
or not we could not det(;rniine. 

The present Indians of Tiatiiuinac(j and those whom 
the Spaniards f<jund on the site are and wei'e Aymaias. 
They spoke, and speak, what l^ertonio has called the 
Pacajes diiilect.^' Some contend that it is the purest 
Aymard, but it might be very ditiicult to jjrove it, siiice 
we do not know where the original center of that stock 
must be looked for. In personal appearance they differ 
not from the Indians of the Puna, and their dress is the 
same. The men are usually of strong build, rather 
good sized, tlie women less prepossessing. In mode of 
living and degree of uncleanliness they are like the others, 
they are as unfriendly towards the whites, as hostile 
to progress as any others of the stock. Their respect 
for relics of the past is slight, but whenever a fonsigner 
attempts to touch tliese, they oppose it while still eager 
to sell what they can gather of antiquities themselves, 
and not at all backwards in defacing or even destroying 
monuments. The same old man who told us the would- 
be folktales related, is engaged since many years in 
manufacturing troughs, mortars, and other articles 
out of the carved blocks strewn over the ruins. Many 
a sculptured stone has been cut up by him and the fiag- 
ments turned into articles of husbamhy, and none o[ 
the Indians take umbrage at it.^'' The Aymar;i harbor 
a superstition that the bones of the deatl inay jjenetrate 
their bodies whenever disturl)ed, and thus i)rodu(;e dis- 
eases and even death. But withal they do not hesitate 
to trample on these bones or to kick about and crusli 
the skulls. 

It was at Tiahuanaco that we obtained our first 
insight into the social organization and some of the 



c 



1011.] The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. 235 

superstitions of the Ayniaras. Wluit follows, applies 
exclusively to that place and its surroundings. 

I knew, a long time ago, that tlie Indians of Bolivia 
and Peru were divided into gentes or clans tlie name for 
wliich was "Ayllu," a word in use in the AymarA lan- 
guage as well as in the Quichua.^" Originally, descent 
was in the female line." When we inquired for the Ayl- 
lus of Tiahuanaco, the reply came that there were only 
two, Arasaya and Masaya. These two groups are geo- 
graphically divided at the village. Masaya occupies 
the buildings south, A]-asaya those north, of the central 
scjuare, the dividing line going, ideally, through the 
center of the "Plaza" from east to west. This geo- 
graphical division is (at Tialmanaco) even indicated 
at church. We saw, when at mass, the principals of 
the two clusters, eacli witli his staff of ofhce, enter in 
procession: Masaya walking on the right or south, 
Arasaya on the left or north, and take their places in 
the same order on each side of the altar. After the 
ceremony they jointly escorted the priest to his home, 
But we were told also, that there were other Ayllus 
(and as many as ten) within the parish. This caused 
me to inquire for the church-books. The priest of 
Tiahuanaco, Reverend Father Jos6 Maria Escobari 
(now deceased) most kindly placed them at my disposal 
and I soon found out, what I already had suspected, 
that the two main clusters just named were not kins or 
clans, but groups of such, perhaps phratries. This is 
a very ancient arrangement and existed, among other 
places, at aboriginal Cuzco, where the ]-iver divided 
the inhabitants into two clusters, Hurin-suyu and 
Hanan-suyu, whereas there is every probability that the 
tribe was composed of at least thirteen clans, or Ayllus, 
localized; a certain number of them belonging, through. 
their location, to one and the remainder to tlie other 
principal subdivision. ,: 

Although there are fragments of church-registers as 

^^ ,far back as 1G74, the contents of the books become of 

value only in 1G04. Under date of January eighth of 



230 A^nerican Ant iquarinn Society. [Oct., 

that year, I found the entry: that the natives whose 
marriages (it was a marriage register) are eonsigned in 
the book, "will be found placed in their two groups 
(parcialidades) Hananzaia and Hurinzaia,"^** hence tlie 
preseiit division is an ancient one under a change of name. 
Tliis is fuilher pi'oven by tlie appeavance, in tlie same 
book, of Masaya and Arasaya, in 1710, in place of th(i 
former terms.''-' Furtliermore, in tlie list of the Ayllus 
of Tiahuanaco, which I extracted from KiDl (o 1728, 
after ^vhich year the clan is no longer meirLicHied, ther(i 
is one Ayllu expressly assigned to Arazaia and three 
to Masaya. The total rmmber of Ayllus mentioned 
as having belonged to Tiahuanaco is, up to 1728,^" 
thirteen. Among tliese, several bear the names of well- 
known localities in liolivia. 

It results from this book, that intermarriage in tlie 
clan or Ayllu was already customary about two centuries 
after the conquest, that exogamous marriage was also 
frecjuent, and that marriages between members of 
distant villages took place. Not only that, but parties 
of distinct linguistical stocks intermarried also. TJius 
we find Quichuas wedded to Aymaras, 7\ymariis to 
Uros. Not less than forty-seven dili'erent villages, at 
least fifteen of which are Peruvian, are represented by 
parties who contracted matrimony at Tiahuanaco, either 
with members of some clan of tluit village oi- of an(jther 
one. 

The names of the clans are found repeated in different 
villages. The kin called Irica appears at Copacavana, 
at La Paz (Bolivia) at Juli, Caquiauiii and Azdngaro, 
in Peru, Collana, shnultaneously at I^a Paz in Bolivia, 
at Pucara and Puno, even at Paucar-colla, in Peru. 
The clans were then already scattering, as with Spanish 
rule there was greater liberty and securitj^ for tlie 
Indian to move hither and thithei'. In connection with 
this belongs a statement made to us at Tiahuanaco 
that, while the members of an Ayllu do not longer reside 
together, they still claim affiliation and, when travelling, 
they try as much as possible to quarter themselves 



1911.1 



T}te Ruriis at Tialiuanaco. 



237 



with nienibers of tlieir own clan. We subsequently 
observed this custc)Ui elsewliere in Bolivia. 

The registers of l)a])tisnis were not obtainable. What 
we could ascertain in regard to the govei'nnient of the 
clans is meagre and was not always corroborated at 
other places. I give here what relates strictly to Tiahu- 
anaco. Each AUyu is autonomous. It elects annually 
its oflicers. We were assured, as on the Island of Titi- 
caca, that the Alcalde was the chief ollicer and the 
Ilacata only second in rank. This seems to be tlie 
reverse in other sections. Tlie Alcalde was described 
to us as an executive functionary, as the executor of 
justice and leader in case of warfare. The Ilacata, on 
the otlier liand, was mentioned as an administrative 
officer only. What the relations between the two 
clusters of Masaya and Arasaya and the Ayllus were, 
we could not find out at Tiahuanaco, as they were con- 
stantly confounded in tlie statements of our infoi'mants. 
We never succeeded in having the latter discriminate 
between the two kinds of gi'oups, onl^' it seemed to 
us that the I'ormer ])layed a directive i)art in every- 
thing relating to church matters and, also, to public 
dances. 

We witnessed tlie great dance on the feast of Se])t(!m- 
ber 13th and 14th to which Mr. Scjuier has given a name 
of his own.''^ We saw then, foi- the first time, the head- 
dresses of ostrich-feathers (Suri) worn by the grou]) of 
dancers called Sicuri,'^ we saw again the tiger-skins, 
called Kena-Kena or Kenaclio'^ and othei- costumes, 
partly ancient and partly modern, of the signification 
of which we could not obtain any exijlanation. But 
we saw that, wliile these groups were represented on 
both sides of the scjuare, north and south, there still 
was a division carefully kept up, Masaya remaining 
on the south, and Arasaya on the noi-fh, neitlier side 
trespassing on the others grounds. This seemed to 
indicate that, while the dancing clusters aie indiscrim- 
inately composed of members of all the clans more or 
less, they observed a division into two main groups. 



238 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

The dance was like all those we have seen since, nanutiy, 
a disorderly crowd of more or less drunken ]]eople, tlie 
music consisted of panilutes of various sizes (frequeatly 
mentioned by older authors) of the well-known fiat 
drums and of fifes, and while the dancers and many of 
the public sang in Ayniara, the din was so fearful as 
to make it impossible to gather either sense or signifi- 
cation. Neither could we se(;ure any information from 
outsiders. Tt was all one drunken orgie that lasted 
day and night for about five times twenty-four hours. 
On the fourth day the whole crowd resorted to the top 
of Akka])ana, where they played after the fashion of 
children, buying fruit of each other, building toy-houses, 
and, above all, drinking hard. On the fifth day the 
Indians began to disperse and go back to their homes, 
but the village authorities kept up the noise by dancing 
in the plaza like Indians. The uproar created by such 
an Indian festival is such tliat nothing can be gathered 
concerning the signification of the performance; drunk- 
enness is so general that hardly a sensible reply may be 
elicited on any topic. The curate retired to the inner- 
most apartment of his dwelling in order to escape the 
ovations of his parish-children. lie declared himself 
utterly disgusted at such intligenous performances, but 
powerless to repress them. 

The particular feast was that of the "Exaltation of 
the Holy Cross." The Indians observe it, in a similar 
manner, over most of Bolivia. It is in lionor of tlie day 
that tliey dance and sing and carouse, i^ut the form 
of enjoj'ment antedates Spanish occupation. In order 
to correct gradually the customs of the aborigines and 
lead them into belter channels, the church permitted 
modified ancient dances on its feast-days." In this 
manner, it hoped to draw the Indians away from their 
primitive idolati'ous practices. In course of time, the 
Indian share of celebration got the upper hand again. 
With the degeneracy of the clergy (an inevitable conse- 
quence of isolation and intermixture with Indian blood) 
these festivities retroceded to almost what they were 



191 



The Ruins at Tiaiiuandco. 



239 



4 



before Spanish colonization. It will be a very difficult 
task to modify or eradicate them. The great incentive 
is strong drink, to which they have been accustomed 
for untold centuries and which seems to be their only 
deliglit. Before the conquest, a fermented beverage, 
a highly intoxicating chicha, was consumed in excess 
on festive occasions,''' and the fundamental idea in 
drinking is that of ceremonial offering. 

Hence these dances present two sides. The church 
festival is a pretext. The dance itself is an ancient 
rite, and would be of great ethnological and even his- 
torical value, could the song be interpreted, and the 
decorative part of the performance, the costumes, 
explained. To this the character of the Aymara Indian 
is a serious obstacle. He will not si)eak.*'*^ What we 
could gather at Tiahuanaco is this. There exist, among 
the Indians, two kinds of organization, both of which 
have become modified through contact with civilization. 
One is the original social arrangement, represented by 
the Allyu or gens. The other is ancient also, not con- 
trolled by the clan, and represented by the two clusters 
of Masaya and Arasaj'a. They liave yielded in a 
measure to rules and precepts of the church, but display 
their primitive character in the dances. Their tme 
signification is still occult, and it may be that most of 
the performers no longer are aware of it. 

We were informed at Tiahuanaco, that each gi'oup 
of dancers had its instructor "Irpa. "" It was also 
stated tiiat these Irjni were chosen for life. That re- 
hearsals took place before the festival, we distinctly 
noticed, but could not penetrate to the places where the 
rehearsals were going on. It seemed to us also, from 
certain stealthy goings and comings among the Indians, 
that ceremonies of a religious nature accompanied 
these rehearsals, as among the Indians of the north. 

Tiie rites of Christian religion are looked upon by 
the Indians as an imported magic, beneficial for certain 
ends and aims, indift'erent and even detrimental to 
others. Their ancient beliefs and practices are resorted 



iK;dK)^. 



240 American Aniiquaruui Soclvly. [Oct., 

to exclusively in other cases, tlierefore there are a 
number of sorcerers at Tiahuanaco, the titles of which 
we learned, sabsecjuently. Every disease is attributed 
to supernatural causes. Thus a particular sickness 
will be explained by assuming that some bone of the 
dead "chull])a" (or Indian who died dining the time 
of paganism) penetrated the body. They believe in 
various sorts of illwinds. There is a "Pachaayre, " or 
wind (jf God,'^ which causes disease. The " Santoayre, " 
or bad wind, of the Saints has its noxious effects. Tliere 
are few pictures of Saints in their houses. The Cutu- 
Cutu, or morning fog, is dreaded as due to evil s]:)irit.s, 
the Anchancho plays a conspicuous part. As they hold 
certain rocks or large stones to be dangerous and atti'ib- 
ute to them tlie power of swallowing children and even 
grow^n people, they are careful to sacrihce coca and 
alcohol (formerly it was chicha) to those fetiches. 
Such anthropophagous stones are already mentioned in 
the earliest traditions from Cuzo."^ Fatlier ICscobari 
caused a l)lack st(jne, of which the Indians were par- 
ticularly afraid, to be removed. It co.st him a deal of 
labor to induce the Indians to do it, and afterwards 
they sacrificed coca and liquor saying: "that it was 
done to apjjease Anchancho." Other ch'uujns are called 
Lari-Lari''" and "Ilinchu-Kaiiu."" The}' beheve that 
the rainbow ("Curjni") is a s])iritual being and an evil 
one, and do not allow their childr('n to gaze at it, lest 
it produce an "ill wind." Innumerable, almost, are the 
animals of ill omen. The howling of dogs at night is 
ominous. The unfortunate owl, large as well as small, 
keeps up its bad reputation; so does the skunk. A little 
l>ird called Tiolas is charged, when flying past anybody, 
with taking away "the fat of the heart" and tluis to 
cause tliat organ to shrink. Rain-making is a conunon 
{>ractice. For that purpose the Indians of the valley 
(including those of Iluaqui on the lake) go to the sum- 
mit of a hill south of Tiahuanaco and offer coca, liquor 
and other objects which were not mentioned to us. 
Already, here we noticed the important part played by 



1911.] 



The Ruins at Tinltuanaco. 



241 






coca in their religious rites. Wiieii a liailstorm ap- 
proaches, the Indians run out and blow into large 
cow-horns, shouting at the same time: "pass on, jwss 
on. " These are customs from pre-Spanish times which 
the "extirpation of idohdiy" (systematically instituted 
between 1607 and 1615) could not eradicate. ■'" But 
there are ])ractices with which the Christian element is 
mixed. Thus, they believe that children who die with- 
out baptism return into the body of the mother, causing 
it to swell. Against this supposed evil they employ 
the liostia and also use it as a remedy in oilier cases. 
We were told that the Indians invarialjly bury, with the 
body, food, drink in a clay vessel, and a broom to enable 
the soul to sweep its way to heaven, as it takes several 
days to get there. While the idea of assisthig the soul 
with aliments to stand tlie journey, and the idea of that 
journey itself, are manifestly ancient,''^ the conception 
of heaven is a Christian importation. A most interesting 
example of mixture of Christian and pagan notions, are 
their practices when liglitniug strikes a house. "Sant- 
iago" (Saint James) has become to them a sort of patron 
or god of lightning. The origin of this belief may l^e 
looked for in the war-ciy of the Spaniards, "Santiago," 
and the first impression caused by the use of firearms. 
Musketry and cannon appeared to the Indians as liglit- 
ning and thunder, lience they assigned to the saint, 
to whom the Spaniards used to appeal loudly in battle, 
the office of master of electric discharges.''-' When, 
therefore, lightning strikes a house they believe that 
Santiago has stumbled or has made some mistake. The 
dwelling is forthwith abandoned by its inmates, doors 
and windows (if any) are draped in mourning. On the 
day following, twelve boys, personifying the twelve 
apostles, are given a meal in the house. After the meal, 
these boys are to go home without looking back and if 
any one of tliem should happen to do it, he will soon be 
struck by lightning himself. After they are gone, the 
owner of the house comes accompanied by his wife and 
a sorcerer. Inside of the dwelling that sorcerer joins 



i7 



242 American Antiqvarian Society. [Oct., 

the hands of the pair, covers their lieads with a black 
blanket (ponclio) iind offers a prayer to Pacliacaniac 
in behalf of the liorju;. To this ])i-ayer the sorcerer 
himself answers in a changed tone of voice, explaining 
the lightning-stroke as a mistake, and promising tliat 
it shall never occur again. Tiahuanaco is a place where 
thunderbolts are rather frequent. Hardly a rainy 
season passes without some fatal accident caused by 
lightning, either at the village or in its vicinity. 

TIio relations of the peo]jle (Indians) of Tialiuanaco 
to their neighbors in the north are by no means friendly. 
We were told that an ancient feud existed between, the 
Indians of Omasuyos (the province to which Aygachi 
and other villages north of Tiahuanaco Ix'long) and 
Pacajes witliin the boundaries of whicli Tialiuanaco is 
situated. Hostilities between neighboring clusters are 
so frequent in Bolivia, that I wouUl not attempt to 
assign to them any histoj'ical imjioi'tance. 

We were also informed that when a new house is 
built, the members of the Ayllu to which the builder 
belongs assist him gratuitously, only he has to provide 
them witli food and especially with an abundance of 
chicha or liquor. ■'■' 

Tiahuanaco was the first place wliere we came in 
close contact wiLli the Aymara Indians. We weic; not 
prepared, and could not be, for successful intercourse 
with these people. Our inquiries were not even under- 
stood by the better classes, nor even by the ecclesiastic 
authority, however nmch the priest endeavored to 
assist us in t,he most friendly mamier. Our question- 
ings about clanshij), consanguinity and affinity, were 
entirely new, as nobody had heretofore attempted to 
secure information on points that even in scientific 
circles are not always sufficiently appreciated. With 
the Indians directly we could not converse. Hence the 
information given here is merely a pictui'e of our earliest 
efforts in ]3olivia. At Tiahuanaco we had to grope OLir way 
in the dark to find the outline of methods for ap]:)roach- 
ing the Indian nnnd. It was our hope to be able to 



19] 1. 1 The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. 243 

return to Tialmanaco and go over the ground again. 
Tills hope has been frustrated. 

After a sojourn of nineteen days we returned to the 
city of La Paz with plans of the ruins, and some collec- 
tions. Our exjierience in campaign work in Bolivia 
had begun, we knew at least some of its numerous 
difficulties. 



I NOTES. 

\ 

i ' Die Rainenstai-lte von Tlalaianaco im Huchlunde dcs alien I'eru. A. 

I ■ Stuebel and Mux Ulile, (Brcblau, 1892, folio) n splendidly illudtrated 

f and equipped work. 

• 2 Peru, Incidenls of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Inca.i. 
\ (1877. Chapters XV and XVI.) 

j ^ The altitude is about 15,000 feet. 

J ^ The antiquity of these wooden goblets or cups is often doubtful; it 

; is certain, however, that some were used in pre-colunibian times. Gen- 
erally, the KEROS were of clay, more or less decorated, in color, in relief, 

, or both. 

: ' "Quimsa" is three, in Aymaril as well as in Quicluia. "Chata" 1 
cannot determine in Aymard, and tlu^ few Qiiichua woids tiiat resemble 

i it afford slender basis for etymology. 

! " The distance is only a few miles. 

' My friend, the ilistinguished French geologist and paleontologist, 

i A. Dereinis, in his preliminary report on the geological e.\ploiation of 

'• Bolivia: Informe (in lioleiin dc la Ojicina naciunal de rminiijracioii, Estad- 

[■ islica y Propaganda Geoyrdfica, Vol. Ill, La Paz 1903, page ii27) says 

i that I hinted at the po.ssibility of tlieir having been brought froin the 

I shores of Titicaca at Tiquina. This is a misunderstanding, 1 stated 

I the contrary. 

• "* There was a " I'uma-runcu " at Ciizco, and it might \>v that the 
I name was transferretl to Tiahuanaco. 

• '■> Hisloria del Nuevo Mundo (Sevilla 189.5, Vol. IV, page ()5). "El 
nombre c|ue tuvo este pueblo antes que fuese senoreadode los lucas, era 

; 'I'aypicala, tomado de la lengua Aymard, que es la materna de sus natu- 

I • rales, y quiere decir "la piedra ile enmedio"; i^orquc tenian por opinion 

[ los indios del Collao, que este pueblo estaba cmnedio del Mundo, y que 

\ del salieron de.S])UC3 del Diluvio los que lo tornaron d poblar. " A cou- 

j; temporary of Cobo, the Jesuit Anello Oliva, in his Ilisloriu del Piru y 

\ Varoncs insigncs en Sanlidud de la Compai'da de Jesus, (1G51, but only 

I published at Lima a fev\' years ago) has another name for it, — Chucara. 

\ See later on. 

f 1" Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara: Hisloria de las Ouerra^ civiles del 

j Peru'y de olros sucesoti de km Indian (finished before 1G03 but published 



244 American Aniiquarian Society. [Oct., 

at Madrid in 1 '.)()■ l-o-O) saw the ruins of 'riahuaiuu'o about the saino 
time as Ciczii or pcrliaps a few years previous; he stales: (Vol. Ill, Cap. 
LXI, p. 528) "Eu el pueblo de Tiaguanaco, que es en la iirouincia de 
Atun Collao, esfaua heeho vn estaiico quadrado, eu doude auia a la 
continua iiuicha agua, quo despues quando j'o lo vide estaua ya seco, y 
.alll estaua vna estatua de piedra iriuy lisa, do altor di; vn est ado, el qua! 
tenia vna ropa larga hasta lo,s i)ies, y vn bulto conio libro, (luo tenia en 
la mano izquierda, y en la derecha vn bordoa; tuniauias vnas suelas por 
Qapatos, abroehiulas eon dos cori-eas por eneinia ilel eniijoyrie, y vn 
medio capirote corno de fra3de, todo loqual estaua heclio de IuiUd, de 
vna jnetlra niuy lisa, que pareseia al natural, y dcste dizen (jue hizo en 
estas prouinciaa muehas eosas muy buenas." Pedro de Cieza, Priincra 
Parle de la Crdnica del Peru (in Vedia's:, Ilidoriudorcs ■primiiivos de 
hidias, Vol. 11, Cap. CV, \>. 446) gives a deseripi.ion of Tiahuanaco in 
which the mound of Akkai)ana seems to hti referred to, lie writes as 
follows on the subject: — "Tiaguanaco no es pueblo luuy grande, pero 
es notado por los grandes edilieios(iue tiene; que eierto son cosa notable 
y para ver. Cerca de los aposentos principales estd un collado hecho 
&. mano, arnuido sobre grandes cimientos de piedra. " Cieza reijorts on the 
condition of the ruins about fifteen years after the arrival of the Span- 
iards at Cuzco (he saw them about 1549). After him, we have a descrip- 
tion by Father Cobo 8. J. who visited tliein more than once, the first 
time in 1010. (Vol. iV, p. 71). Of Akka-pana (he is the first, as far 
as I can fintl, who gives the name, at least in print) he says: liisluria 
del Nuevo Mundo (Vol. IV, p. 67) — "A la parte oriental deste edificio, 
como cuatrocientos |iasos, se ven unas ruinas de otro no uienos grande 
y suntuoso; no so puedo averiguar si era distinto del primero 6 ambos 
eran uno, y su fdbrica se contijjua por alguna parte, de que ya no queda 
rastro'; & lo menos los indios lo llaman aon distinto nombre, que es 
Acapana. " 

"Esfe es un terrapleno de euatro 6 cinco estados en alto, tjue parece 
collado, fundado sobre gi'andes cimientos de piedra su forma es cuadrada 
y tiene d trechos como traveses 6 cubos de fortaleza; cincuenta pies al 
Oriente del ha (juedado eu j)ie una portada grande de solas tres piezas 
bien labradas, a cada lado la suya, y otra eneima de ambas. No ha 
quedado desta fal)rica mas obra sobre La tierra que el terrapleno y algunas 
piedras labradas (jiie salen de los cimientos, por donde se muesLra su 
forma y planta. Cerca deste terrapleno estd otro tambien cuadrado; 
divid(,'los una calle de cincuenta pies de anclio, y asi parcee ser ambos 
una rnisma obi'a. 1-as paredes deste ultimo edificio eran admirables, 
dado que ya estd por tierra. De un pedazo de nmralla que tolavia se 
conserva en pie pur la buena diligencia y euidado de un cura que hubo 
en Tiaguanaco, llamado Pedro de Castillo, que nmrio de mucha edad el 
ano de mil y seiscientos y vicute (honibre curioso y qiie tenia bien con- 
siderada la grandeza y antigiiedad de los edificios, por los muclios anos 
que fue cura del dicho pueblo) se puede sacar su labor y traza. Es pues 
esta muralla de pieth'as cuadradas sin mezcla y tan ajusfadas unas con 



ion. 



I'lie nuins at Tiahuariaco. 



245 



otras, foiiic) ajiistau dos niailci'o.'i acepillados. Las piedras son do medi- 
ana graridcza y pucstas a trechos otraa inuy grandus d inodo de rafas; 
de sueile, que cunio en nuestroa edififios tie tapias 6 adobes se Huelou 
eutremeter rafaa de ladrillos de alto d bajo, asi esta pared y nmralla 
tieue :i treclios, eu lugar de rafas, unas piedi'as a iiiaiiera de coluiuiiau 
cuadradas de tan ex(;esiva gruadeza, que sube cada una de! ciinieuto 
hasta lo alto y ixniate de la jjared, que es de tres 6 cuatro estados, y no 
se sabe lo (jue ili'llas entra en la tierra en que estdn hincadas. IVr los 
rastros que desta muralla se descubren, se eeha de ver que era una gran 
cerca que, saliendo deste edilicio ultiiiio, corria hacia el Oriente y oeupaba 
un grande esjjacio. Aqui se hallan rastros de otra acequia de piedra 
eomo la primera, y csta parece venir de la Sierra que esta enfrente y 
distante una legua." Several points in this description deserve par- 
ticular attention. In the first place Cobo calls the mound a "terraplen" 
or platform. Next he speaks of another one divided from the first by a 
"street of fifty feet in width." This is the court north of the mound: — 
Tht first or largest Court measures, longitudinally, 424 and 42'2 feet, 
transversely (from north to south) 398 by 390. The pillars vary in 
height between eight and twelve feet and are grooved lengthwise, so that 
the ends of stones or slabs might have been fitted in. Squicr has justly 
remarked: "they ajjpear to have had a wall of rough stones built up 
between them, supporting a terre-plein of earth, about eight feet above 
the general level of the plain." The heiglit indicated by Cobo for 
the wall which was still standing is greater than that of the pillars as they 
are now, for three to four "estados" or fathoms would be equal to from 
eighteen to twenty-four feet. Where Cobo actually measured, he indi- 
cates dimensions in Spanish feet of the period. What he says is plain: 
from pillar to pillar there was a wall well cut of stones fitted without 
cement, like those lining the lower portions of Akkapana. He states: 
"From the vestiges that are visible it can be seen it was a great circura- 
vallation that, from this last Edifice, extended to the east and covered a 
groat space." By "last Edifice" Cobo means the rectangle inside of the 
large court. At his time it was already "tumbled to the ground" and 
only one fragujent remaining, from which the construction of the whole 
could be deduced. Hence, we niay safely conclude it to have been a 
court, the api)roximate size of which is 200 by 150 feet. In it stood a 
building of which hardly a trace is loft. The largo carved gateway, about 
the figures on which so much has been written, was one of the entrances 
to the outer square and is in its original position. The gateway east 
of Akkapana, mentioned by Cobo, may have been the one now used as 
entrance to the cemetery and figured on pages 284-5 of Squier's Peru. 
It is certainly not the one figured by Squier, Peru (p. 283). The mention, 
by Cobo, of three parts, whereas all the gateways so far known are mono- 
lithic, makes it dillicult to decide. 

Between the description of Cieza and that of Cobo, in point of date, 
we have tlie notice which the [iriest Diego de Alcobaza gave, in writing, 
to Carcilasso de la Vega and the latter incorporated in the Coininlarion 



24G American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

rcales (Vol.1, Lib. Ill, Cap. 1, folio 57). "En ^riahiiaiuLiu prouirii'ia <li-I 
Colliio ent-re otias ay vna unlif^ualla digiia de ininorta! riieinoria, eat it 
[X'gada li la laguna llaiiiada por los Espanole.-:) (-liucuytu, cuyo nobre 
proprio es Chuquiuitu, alii CHtaii vno.s edificios grandissimas, entre \ixn 
(liiak's estd vn jjalio quadrado do quirize bragan a viia parte, y d oira 
con su cerca dc mas de dos esUidos de alto, 1 vii lado del pat io e.sll vnu 
sala de quareta y cinco pies de largo, y veinte y einco deaiicho, ciibicrta 
& semcja(,a de las pieoas cubiertas de paja, q vuestra merced vio en la 
casa del Sol en csta ciudad del Cozco; el patio que tc;ngo dielio con su.y 
j)aredes y suelo, y la sala y BU techumbre y eubierta, y laH porlada.s, y 
vnbrales de dos |)uertas que la aala tiene, y otra puerta que tiene el patio, 
todo csto es de una .sola piega liecha, y labrada en vn pefiasco, y las pa- 
redes del patio, y las de la eula son dc tres (juartas de vara de ancho, y 
el techo de la sala, por de fuera, paresce de paja, auncjue es de pi< dra, 
porque eonio los Yndios cubren sua casas con paja, porque seinejasse 
esta 6, las otras peynaro la piedra, y la arrayaion para que paresciesse 
eubierta de paja. La laguna bate en vn liengo de los del patio, los 
naturales dizen que aquella caaa, y los denias edilicios los tenian dedicadoa 
al hazedor del vniuerso. Tainbien ay por alii cerca otra gran suiua de 
piedras labradas en iiguraa de honibres, y niugeies, tan al natural que 
parece que estdn viuos, beuiedo eon los vasos en las nianos, otros sentados, 
otros en pie parados, otros que van pasando vn arroyo, quo por eritre 
aquellos edilicios passa: otros estatuas estdn con sus criaturas en las faldas 
y rega90, otros las lleuan a cuestas, y otros de mil maneraa. Dizen 
los Yndios presentes, que por grandes peccados cjue hizieron los de acjuel 
tiempo, y porque apedrearon vn liombre que pass6 por aquella prou- 
incia, fucron conuertidos en aquellas estatuas. Hasta aqui son palubraa 
de Diego de Alcobaga, el tpial en muchas prouineias de aquel reyno ha 
sido vicario, y predicador de los Yndios, cjue sus perlados lo han mudado 
de vnas partes ;1 otras porque como mestizo natural del Cozco sabe 
mejor el Icnguage de los Yndios, que otros no naturales de aquella tierra, 
y haze mas fruto." 

Too little attention has been paid to this descrijjtion. fcJome liave even 
attempted to discredit it by insinuating that Alcobaza wrote from hearsay, 
and on the assumption that he was a Jesuit established at Juli, whence 
he could easily obtain information about Tiahuanaco. Alcobaza was 
a secular priest, and there is no reason why he should not have seen 
Tiahuanac;(). His description contaitis sonu' interesting statements. 
It ia not clear where the buildings and courts are to be looked for which 
he mentions; but still less is it clear in the case of the description by 
Cieza. The main objection against Alcobaza seems to be tliat he speaks 
of the Lake as bathing one side of the buildings or Courts. It would 
lead to sujjpose that they stood in the vicinity of Puma-puncu. The seated 
figures of which Alcobaza sjjcaks are not inventions of his, since the two 
statues now in front of the church of Tiahuanaco represent s(iuatting 
Indians. A tall statue with a vase in hand stands to-day in the great 
court. In regard to the slat<-ni('iil of the Lake ap|)roaching Tialiuanaco 



1911. 



The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. 



247 



80 iii'iir that its vvaleiH biithed the niuiri, while Cicza mentions the village 
of lluatiui at) in exiateiiee at his time; I woul<i observe, that the point 
on thi; shores, nearest to Tiahuanaeo, is not HiuHjui, but the outlet of tlie 
Tiahuanaco stream north of it. A former eneroaeliment of l«ake ^I'iticaca 
would, therefore, have extended u\) the present eoursc of the river, leaving 
Huaqui on the declivity to the right. The statues said by Aleobaza to 
represent women cari-ying bal)ies on their backs may have disappeared, 
or his fanci' misled him, just as, at tliis day, craving f(;r symbolism leada 
investigators to S(;c mythology tiverywhere. 

To translate "estados" by "stones" in speaking of the height of a 
wall is rather strange. "Estado" is a fathom or, more or less, six feet. 
Hence, when Alcoba/.a estimates the height of the wall at "two estados" 
or Iwclve ftet, it indicates t,hat ho was a sober obsi;rvcr. 

Cobo states tTiat Akka-pana rests on "great foundations of stone." 
He, as well as Cieza, mistook the wall along the base of the inound for 
foundations. 

'^ Cobo speaks of courts near I'uma-puncu and also of one running 
to the east from Akka-j)anu, of which few vestiges reinain. But he iu 
silent about tl>e sculptured gate. Cieza, iu I'rimew Parte, (\). 41()) 
mentions nujnolithic gateways in general: "en otro lugar mas liacia 
cl |ionientc deste (jdilicio estdn otras inayores autiguallas, porque hay 
muchas portadas gi-andes con sus quicios, umbrales y |)ortalctes, todo de 
una sola piedra. " He also treats of statues: "Mas adelante de este 
cerro estan dos idolos de piedia dr\ tulle y figuia humana, muy primcr- 
amente hechos y formadas las faiciones; tanto, tjue paresce que se hiciei'- 
oii jjor mano de grandea artilices 6 maestros; son tan graudes, que i)arescen 
pe((uenos gigantes, y vese (|ue ti(men forma de vestimentas largas, difcr- 
enciadas de las que vemos d los naturalea destas provincias; en laa cabezaa 
paresce tener su ornamento. Cerca destas estatuas <le piedra esta otro 
editicio, d(;l cual la antigiiedad suya y falta de letras es causa para que no 
se sc|ni que gentes hicieron tan grandes cimientos y fuerzas, y que tanto 
tiempo por ello ha pasatlo, porque de i)resente no se vc mas que una rnur- 
alla muy bien obrada y que debe de habcr nmcho tiempo y edades que se 
hizo; algunas de las piedras est/in muy gastadas y consumidas, y en esta 
parte hay piedras tan grandes y crescidas, f|ue causa admiracion pi^nsar 
como, fiiendo de tanta grandeza, bastaron fuerzas humanas d las traer 
donde las vemos; y muchas destas j)iedras que digo, estan labradas de 
diferentes maneras, y algunas deltas tienen forma de cuer[)os de hombres, 
que debieron ser sus idol(js; junto a la muralla hay muchos huccos y 
concavidades debajo de tierra. " Cieza mentions, in all, three human 
figures of large size. Up to this date six very tall statues are known, not 
counting the colossal head at the Museum of La Paz. One is erect, 
two are squatting, and three are lying on the ground, south of Akka-pana. 
I do not mention smaller ones at La Paz and at the "Museum" in Tiahu- 
anaco. 

^'^ Peru, (page 287), Stuebiil and Uhle, Die RuiiieimtatUc von Tiahuanaco. 
(Plate 39, tig. 29.) 



248 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

" Purna-puncii is possibly the site which Cieza Friincra I'aiic (p. 4 Ui) 
describes as folluws: "en otro higar mas hacia el j)onieutc desto edilicio 
estdn otras rnayores antigualias, poique hay muclias portadas grandcs 
con sus quicios, uiiibrales y portales, todo de una sola piedra. Lo (jue 
yo mas note cuautlo anduve miiando y escribiendo estas cosas fu6, que 
destas portaclas tan grandes aaliah otras rnayores piedras, sobreque 
estaban formadas, de las qualcs tenian algunas treinta pies en anelio, y 
do largo quince y mas, y de freni e seis, y esto y la portada y sus quicios y 
unibralcs era ima sola piedra, . ." In case this applies to Puma- 
puncu, the statue found there and figured in Stuebel and Uhle {liuin- 
enstaelte &cu Plate 31, fig. 2) is tlie one referretl to by Cieza. We have 
from the pen of Cobo, a more i)recise description. Ilislorla dtl Nucvo 
Mundu, (page (JU, Vol. IV). "Lo (jrincipal de la fabrica se llama Punia- 
puncu, que es taiito como ]>uerta de Icon; t« un terrapleno 6 mogote hccho 
& mano, de altura de dos estados, fandado sobre grandes y bien labradiia 
piedras, que tienen forma de las losas, que nosotros poncmos sobre las 
sepulturas. Esta el terrapleno puesto en cuadro, con los cuatro leinzoa 
iguales, que cada uno tiene cien pasos de esquina d esquina; rematase 
en dos andones de grandes lo.sas, muy parejas u lianas; entre el primuro 
y segundo anden hay un cspacio como una grande grada de seis pica 
de ancho, y eso licnr nieuos el segundo cuorpo que elprimero. Lahuz 6 
frente deste edificio es el licnzo que mira al Oriente y d, otras grandees ruinaa 
que lucgo dire. Dcste lienzo delantcrosale la obra con la niisma altura 
y paredes de piedra, veinticuatro pies de ancho y sesenta de l:u-go, form- 
ando <i los lados dos augulos; y este j)edazo que sobresale del cuadro 
parece haber sido alguna gran pieza 6 sala pue.sta en medio de la frente 
del edilicio. Algo mas adentro de aquella parte que esti'i soljresaliente, 
se v6 entero el suelo enlosado de una muy capaz y suntuosa pieza, que 
debi6 ser el tem])16 o la parte principal del. Tiene de largo este enlosado 
ciento y cincueuta y cuatro pies, y de ancho cuarenta y seis; las losas son 
todas de extrana grandeza; yo las medi, y tiens la mayor treinta y dos 
pies de largo, diez y seis de ancho (p. 67) y de grueso 6 canto seis; las 
otras son algo menores, unas de d treinta pies y otras de d menos, pero 
todas de rara grandeza; estdn Laii lisas y lianas como una tabla bien acep- 
illada, y con muclias labores y moiduras por los lados. No hay al pre- 
sente paredes levantadaa sobre este enlosado; pero de las niuchas piedras 
bien labradas que hay caidas al redondel, en que se ven pedazos de puer- 
tas y ventanaa, se colige haber estado cercado de paredes muy curiosas. 
Solamente estd en pie sobre la losa mayor una parte que mira al Oriente 
cavada en una gran piedra muy labrada, la cual piedra tiene de alto nueve 
pics y otros tantos de ancho, y el hueco de la puerla es de siete ]3iea de 
largo, y el ancho en proporcion. Cerca desta puerta esta en i)ie una 
ventana que mira al Sur, toda de una sola piedra niuy labrada." 

"Por la frente deslc edilicio se descubren los cimientos de una ceica de 
piedra labrada, que, naciendo de las esquinas deste lienzo delantoro, 
ocupa otro tanto espacio cuadrado como tiene el terrapleno y ciniiento 
de toda la fdbrica. Deutro desta cerca, como treinta pies de la front era 



1911.1 The Ruinfi at Tiahuanaco. 249 

del edificio, hdcia, la esquina del Sur, se ven Iob cimientos de dos piezaa 
pequcnas cuadradaa que se levuntan del suelo Ires pies, de piedms «illaieH 
muy polidas, las eualea tienen talle de aer cstanqiies 6 bafios 6 cimientos 
de algaiias turres 6 sepultunis. Por medio del edificio terraplenado, li 
nivcl del suelo de fuera del, atraviesa un acueducto de cauoa y tajeas de 
piedra de maravillosa labor: es una acequia de poco luas dos paluios de 
ancho, y otro tauto de alio, tie jiiedras cuadradas, bicn labradas y ajus- 
tadas, que no les liace falLa la inezcla; la piedra de enciina tiene un encaje 
sobre las paredcs do la dicLa acequia, que sobresale de sus bordos un dedo, 
y eso entra en el hueco della." 

Both Cieza and Cobo agree in assigning to the Mound of Akka-paua 
as well as to Purna-puneu, an artificial origin. It is plain they ai'e nutwnd. 

'^ Compare my: Final Risport of Inveaiigatums aiaong the Indiatis of 
the t:outlicat:tcr7i United Utatcs, (Part II, pp. 4G0 and 465). 

"■ ^riiis is established by Cobo, Ilisluria (Vol. IV, p. 71). "Elsegundo 
argumento que yo hallo de su antiguedad aiin nie hace mas fuerza, y es, 
la niultitud de piedras labradas que hay debajo de la priniera; porque 
es as5, que ultra de las que se ven sobre lasuperiicie, asi de las que se han 
caido de los cdificios couio otras muy grandcs que estdn apartadas delloB, 
pone admiracion ver las que se sacan de debajo de la tierra y el modo 
como se hallan; porque estando como estd el suelo de todo aquel canipo, 
llano, parejo y cubierto de yerba, sin senal alguua de barrancas ni dermm- 
badero.s, en cuakiuiera paite que caveu la tierra por mas de media legua 
eu torno d<: las ruinas sobrediclias, a unu y dos estados de hondo se halla 
el suelo lleno destas piedras laljradas, y entre ellas muy grandes y her- 
mosas losas, que parece estar eiiterrada aqui alguna gran ciudad." 

"^ CoIjo, Hisloria (IV, p. G7;. "Por medio del edificio terraplenado, 
& iiivel del suelo de futu'a del, alravicsa un acueducto de cahos y tajeas 
de piedra tie maravillosa labor: es una acequia de pocomds de dos paluios 
de ancho y otro tanto de alto, de piedras cuadradas bicn labradas y 
ajustadas, que no les hace falta la mezcla; la piedra de enciina tiene un 
encaje sobre las paredes de la dicha acecjuia, que sobresale de sus bordos 
un dedo, y eso entra en el hueco della." (p. 69.) "Aqui se hallan rastros 
de otra acequia de piedra como la primera, y 6sta parece venir de la Sierra 
que (!Sta enfrente y distante una lagua. " The former was connected with 
Puma-puncu, the other with the great court north of Akka-j^aiia. 

" Cobo, Historia (IV, p. 71 and 72) mentions carved or cut stones 
.'ound in the courts of houses of the village. It is singular that lioth he 
and Cieza allude to the ruins of edifices built b}' the Inea, Tliey were 
still standing in 1610. Cobo: (p. 72). "La causa principal de tener 
los indios la veneracion que tenian d este adoratorio, dabi6ser.su grande 
antiguedad. Adordbanlo los natiirales desde tiempo inmeinorial antes 
que fuesen conquistados de los Reyes del Cuzco, y lo mismo hici6ron 
los dichos Reyes des[)ues que fu6ron Sehores desta provincia, que tuvieron 
por templo celebrc el sobredicho edificio de Puma-]3uncu, y lo ilustra- 
ron y enriqueci6ron, acrecentando su ornato y el uiimero de iniuistros 
y sacrificios; y edilicaron junto d 61 palacios Reales en que diceu naci6 



250 Antcrican Anliquarian Socicl;/. [0(;t,., 

Manco-(:ap;u;, Ivijo do (Juaynu-cupuc, cuya.s riiiii:i,s sc vcii lioy; y era ■ 
edificio may gnuule y do iiiiichaH jjiczaa y apai lamiciito.s. " These 
"Inea" buildin}i;.y are alao alluded to h}' Cicza. I'nincrn I'aiit: (p. 
447). "Apartados dcsto.s edilieius esl„4ii Ion apcj.sciitos de los iiijj;a8 y la 
casa doude iiasci6 Mango inga, liijo de (^iayiiacapa, y estdn junto 
il cllos dos Kcpulturaa tie lo.s senoics iialurales desk; pueblo, tan alt ad 
<;oino torres anehaH y csquiuadaK, las puca-tas al na.sciuiiento del .sol. " 

There are no tr;u',e,s left of these ,st.ruef,ure.s, on the surfaec at least. 
'J'he architecture of the Jnca is well known iind I'e.sernble.s that of Tia- 
huanaco in many re.spect.y so nmcli that tliere is a ntale]ii<'nt that iJie ln<'a 
imitateil Tialuianat:o in their buildings at Cnzco. C'ieza (p. 1 lUj. 
"jjorque yo he oithj alinnar a indios ciue los ingas hieierou los edifieio.s 
grantles del Cui;c(j p(jr la foriua (pie vieron teiier la /auralla 6 pari'd (]Ue 
se v6 en este jiueblo; y aun dieen niTis, que los piiiiieicis iiig:is platicaron 
de hacer su corto y asi(Mito della en este 'I'iaguanaeo. " 

'"A. Dereinis, Inforinc (p. 32-t). Coho, IJiMortd (1\', )). (i'.)) menlions 
already the different kinds of stones used: "Hcjn lodas esLas piedras 
do dos 6 tres es|)ecies, unas amoladoras, rojas y l.)landaH do labrar, y 
otras pardas 6 ecnii'cnhis y nuiy duras." 'I'iie iKsriiption is very good 
for the Jieriod. He did not, houever, notice I hut I he red sand-rock 
is cropping ouf, on the site of the ruins, still less (li^it the andesitc' fornis 
the height of C^uiinsa-ehala. 

"' The l-sh:iped clamps aie mentioned by iSqiiicr, Irom whose practiced 
eye they certainly e(/iild not escape, J'lrii, (p. 2.S1). "Nearly all the 
blocks of stone scattered o\ir the plain !-\io\\' the cuts made to reerive 
what is called the i-clamp, and the round holes to receive the metal 
pin.s that were to retain the blocks in their places, vertically." ft is 
not without inti^rest to note how the groovis d(.;stiiied (o icccue the 
clamiis were begun, 

■^" Hqnier, Ul .supra. 

■■" "liuanca," in Aymaril, is a large stone. Hcrtonio, Vocabulario (i)arte 
II, 14G). Iluancacatatha" signifies to throw down blocks of stone one 
after another in succession. ''Kollu," as well known, is a height. 

'" Fray Antonio do la Calancha, Coronicn moralizaiia (Vol. 1, Lib. IV, 
Cap. XIII, |). 805). " I'll liigar y asiento que oy so llama Pucarani donde 
estii la Imagen de la soberana Keyna de los Angeles se llain6 en su Autig- 
iledad, i en los tiopps de sus Reyes Ingas QuoBcanuirca, (lue quiere decir; 
asiento i higar de pedcrnales, porqui; son rniichos les (|ne alii se criaa, 
. No s(! apovecharou los Indiusdel fuego de los pedernales, porque 
no supieron de eslabon ni yesca; sacavan con dos palillos lunbre de 
ciertos drboles, cosa q oy vsan, pero aproveclulvansc! di; los pedernales i)ara 
sus flechas, ponialos en los remates, puntas i cabos, i eran tan agudos 
eomo navajas, i tan fiiertes conio a/.ero, azian grandes danos (;n sus con- 
trarios, i assi oran rnuy temidos, sagravan con ellos adelga(,-ando tan 
aliladas laucetas, que con destreza azian aseguradas sangrias, no (tomo 
vsan .los Espanoles, sino al modo de las vallestJIlas con (pie sangraii los 
alb(>y tares." 



1911.1 



The Ruins at 'rinhuannco. 



251 



"Quatro leguas dcst.o aK,-jk'n(o de t2ai'.s(:amai<:a estiii la foilaliv.a vi\ 
qvie sc aiiparavaii mis ahitadnreis (juarulo Icjs liidio.s Pacaxi-s los alligiaii, 
ei'ari uia« I'l m'luioro, aiiiKiuo no iiiayore.s cu el diiiiao. fjlaniavabL' csla 
forta.lei'ja Pucaraiii; viviaii rainilias de Indios por aqiiello; canipos, siii 
pueblo.s ni rediiceioucH, asta ciue loy CasLellanos fundarou de fainili;is 
yt.j/ivj^adas este pueblo, i por gusto dc los ladios le llaiuaron Pucaraiii 
<i devocion de su forLaleza, no queriendo se K; (juedasc el uonbre de 
Quescamarca primtivo noiibie de su asienlo." Hertonio, Vocabulario, 
(Pari, I, folio 507) has: "Piedia aguda para tresquilar el ganado: — 
Chiilisaa, (^uesca. " Ou fol. 3(5o, Chillisaa Gala, is eallrd: black Hint 
(obsidian) used for shearing. — Man-a is settlement. 

The probable identity of llie heights and ruins at Santa Ana with the 
ancient Pucarana will be shown in another place. 

"^ Besides Calancha, as above quoted, there is an older iiiid positive 
stati^nent, that the Pacajes liulians (Ayniai'd) usi:d bows antl arrows 
in war. Jn tli(; invaluable publieatiun (;f Spanish documents from the 
sixteenth century (mostly), due to the late Don Marcos Jimenez de la 
Kspada uiidcj' the aus|jices of the l-)e|)artiiient of Fomento and entitled: 
Rchicionca gco<irdjlcus de Indium (Vol. II) tlierit is an ollieial report on 
pacajes from the year l5St) prcjbably (|). Gl). The writer statcy (p. TjO): 
" Pek'aban ;L pie con Unas inacanas ii manera de liachas darmas, con 
algunas lauzas a manc'ra d(- las nuestras, eon arcos y tlrchas, con hondas 
y algunas rodelas traidas de las Yungas." 

'^' Rclacion de la I'roniiicin de tois l-'aaijcs, {supra, also p. G2). '"Las 
casas de los Caciques y tanibos usaron largas y cuadradas, y la madera 
traian de los Yungas." If they could carry timbers from the depths of 
the Yungas valhjys that lie neai'ly ten thous.ind feet lower than the Puna, 
they certainly might take along the wood f<jr bows, also. 

-■' C(jmi)are, Alonso de Ivrcilfa y Zuniga, Ln .[nnu-una. (l;!idiliou of 
17;5.'>. Parte piimera, CLanto I'rimero, fol. I, page '1.) 

"Las Armas de ellos mas e.xcrcitadas, " 

Son Picas, Alabardas, i ]..an9ones, 

Con otras puntas largas enhastatlas, 

De la faieion, i forma de jHin^'ones; 

liachas, Martillos, Ma(,-as Ijarreadas, 

Dardos, Sargentas, tleehas, i bastones. 

La(;os th; fuertes niimljres, i Hejucos. 

Til-OS arj(jjadi(;os, i Trabucos. " 
h'.ldCLon Iccchil imr I'cdri) dc Vdldiiiid <(/ ICtnpenulor, dandole cuenla 
dc III tiuccdido en cl dc:<cubriniiento, conquista y pubiacion de Chile y en su 
vtnjc at Peru: October 15th 1550. (In DocumeiUoti ineditos del Arcldvo 
dc Indian, Volume 4, pp. 51 and 53.) "liirieronme sesenta caballos 
y otros tantos cristianos, de flecha^os 6 botes de lanza. . ."—"con 
mucha flecheria y lanzas d 20 e a 25 paluios." The fact of the use of 
bows and arrows by the ancient Chilians is therefore well estabhshed. 

'-" Segwida I'aiie de la Cioiiicu del Peru, (Madrid 1880, Cap. IV, p. i). 
"Tambien cuentan lo (pie yo tengo escripto en la primera parte, que 



252 American A)ttiqu(iri(ui Sociiiy. [Oct., 

eu lu isla de Titicaca, en loa aigloa pasuilos hobo uiias gcntus bail)adaH, 
blaneaa coino nosotros, y ([uo ealicndo del valle de Cucjuitnl)0 un capitau 
que habia por noiiibro Cari, allcg6 d doiide agora ea Cluicuito, de iluiide, 
deispues de haber lieclio algunaK nu(.'va.s poblacioncH, pas6 con su gciite 
& la i«la." But Llie sl-ory restw on very slender basis. 

" Compare the Chavin slab with idates 10 and 31a, of the magnili- 
cont work of .Stuebel and Uhle, Die lluincnalufUc vun TiulLuahuco. 

^^ On the supi)nsitioii th;d the biiiklcrs of I'ialiLianaco wei-e nut Ayrnard, 
Indians, wt' wdiild hiivc three type's of pottery in the ruins; an oldest one, 
about which we know that it is not met anywhere else in Bolivia, excejjt 
as intrusive specimens; Inca pottery, well known and very characteristic; 
the Ayinard ware of the Puna, also abundantly known. 

^^ I cannot find much difference between the garb on tliese statues and 
Aymard costume as described by older authors, although Cieza a.sserts the 
contrary. Priinera Parle, dc la Cnmicn, (page -MG), "y vese que tienen 
forma de vestimentas largas, diferenriadas dc; las que venios A los natu- 
rales destas i)ro\'incias; en las (.'abczas i);ires('e tener 8U (jr:iamento." 
The statues have :ihoH gariuenta. 

^° We were careful to measure <iU tlie sides of each block, as well aa 
of each carving on it. The work is not better than at Sillustani, the 
joining or fitting is even nicer at the latter place. This may be due 
to the fact that the buildings of yillustani are of much more rectent date, 
probably nut older than the lallcr half of the fifteenth century. Iliey 
are jilairdy Inca work.. 

^' It i.s needless to (juolc docmnentary evidence in support. The struc- 
tures at 'Jlahuanaco were abaiidoried and in ruins \\hen the iS[>aniard8 
first saw them. 

^'^ Inquiries into traditions and myths concerning the origin of tlie 
Peruvian Indians began at a very early date. Already Oviedo, llialoria 
gciicrtil 1/ natural dc luti Indian, (Reprint by Amador de los Rios, Madrid, 
1851, Vol. IV, Lib. XLVl, Cap. XVII, p. '12\i) gives a short account of 
traditions concerning the origin of the Inca tribe. The earliest mention.s 
of Tiahuanaco so far published are (not counting Gutierrez cle Santa 
Clara: Sec note 10) those from Cieza and Betan/.os. I place Cieza first, 
not that he would be more reliable or his statements more valuable, but 
because he described the ruins from personal ins]jection. In the first 
part of his Cronlca del Peru, (]). 4-10) he says: ''Yo prcguute it los 
naturales, en presencia de Juan Vargas (ciue es el que sobre ell6s tiene 
enconnenda), si estos edilicios se liabian hecho en tiemjjo de los ingas, 
y ri(eronse desta pregunta, afirmando lo ya dioho, que antes (lue ellos 
rcinasen estaben liechos, mas (jui; ellos liO podian decir ni allrmar quicii 
los hizo, mas de quo oyeron d sus jiasados (jue en una noclu: rcnianeci^ 
hecho lo que alii se veia. Por esto, y [jor lo que tajiibii'u diccu haber visti) 
en la isla de Titicaca hombres barbudos, y haber hecluj el edilKMo de Vina- 
que semejantes gentes, digo que por ventura pudo ser (|ue anlcs ciue los 
ingas hiandasen debio de haber alguna gente de entendimiento en estos 
reinos, venida por alguna parte que no se sabe, los cuales hariun estaa 



1911 



21i.e Ruins at Tialiuanaco. 



253 



J 



cosas, y sieudo pooo.s, y los iiaturales tantos, scriau iiiuertos on la.s guerraa." 
In his Scguuda Paito (Ca|). V, p. 7), he states: "los buKos graadcs 
questdn en cl pueblo du 1'iahuanacu, se tiene por faina que hut dcsde 
aquellos tiemjios, " thus assigning the most remote anticjuil.y (for the 
region) to 'J'iahuaiiaco. Cieza admits that he required intcipretcrs for 
communicating witli the Indians. Scgwida Parle, (Cap. I, \>. I'A) "y 
por liucerlo con mas veidad vine al Cuzco, siendo en ella eonegidor cl 
capitan Juan de Sayavedra, doiide hice juntar d Caj'U Tiipac, que os 
el que ha}' vivo de los descendientes de Iliiaina Capac ■ , .V il 

otros de losorejones, . . . y con los mejores interpreles y lenguas que 
se hallaron les pregunte, estos senoi'es Incas que gente era y de ciu(5 
nacion," Still his statements fairly agree with those of Betanzos, be- 
cause traditions were fresher, even in the recollection of uninitiated ones. 
It is not out of place, in regard to Cieza and his merits, to recall the 
remark of Pedro Pizarro, Rclacion del descuhriinicrUu y conquisla de los 
reinos del Peru (1071, in Documentos inediloH para la llisloria de Espana, 
Vol. 5, p. 356). "Esto dicen hacia Cieza en una coronica (jue ha querido 
hacer de oidas; y creo yo que muy poco de vista, jjorque en verdad yo 
no le conozco con ser uno de los primeros que en esLe reino entraroa." 
Pedro Pizarro came to Peru with Francisco, and lived at Cuzco the re- 
mainder of his lifetime. 

Juan de Betanzos was a resident of Cuzco and married to a woman 
from the Inca tribe. lie was thoroughly acquainted with the Quicliua 
language and one of the parties api^ointed by Va.ca de Castro to examine 
and watch the Indians of whom information on the jjast of the Cuzco 
tribe was expected. " Discurso sobre la desccndcncia y (Juhierno de lus 
Ingas, " from the year 1512, [)ublished by Jimenez de la Espada, in which 
no mention is made of Tialiuanaco. According to Calancha, (and others) 
Betanzos was also conuuissioned by the viceroy Don Aulonio de Mendoza 
to conduct an investigation of Indian Antiquities, in 1550. Coronica 
moralizada (Vol. I, 1038, Lib. I, Caf). XIV, p. 92). "Juan de Vetancos 
([ue ])or orden del Virey don Antonio de Mendoza por los anos de mil 
y iiuinientos i cicueta liizo a,ntiquisiiiias informacioiies. " The results 
of his incpiiries ai'e embodied in the: Surim y NarrucioiL ilc loi: Incas 
■que los Indios llamaron Cupaccuaa ctca. (finished 1551, and published 
Madrid, 1880, in the same volume as Cieza's second part). The text is, 
unfortunately, not comijlete. At the risk of being too prolix I give 
here what relates to Tialiuanaco (Cap. I and 11). "En los tiempos 
antiguos, dicen ser la tierra 6 provincia del Peru oscura, y que en ella 
no habia lunibre ni dia. Que habia en este tienipo cierta gente en ella, 
la cual gente tenia cierto Sefior que la niandaba y d, quien ella era sub- 
jeta. Del nombre desta gente y del Senor que la mandaba no se acu- 
erdan. Y en estos tiempos que esta tierra era totla noclie, dicea (jue 
Bali6 de una laguna que es en esta tierra del Peru en la provincia que 
dicen de CoUasuyu, un Senor que llamaron Con Tici Viracocha, el cual 
dicen haber sacado consigo cierto mimero de gentes, del cual numero 
no se acuerdau. Y como este hubiese salido desta laguna, fuese de alii 






254 Avierican Antiquarian Socictij. [Oct., 

d nil eitio quos junto :'i esta laguna, questil dondr; lioy (li;i ca uii i)ucblu 
que llaiuun 'riafi:u;uiaco, en esta jHovincia ya <lic]ia ili-l (.'ullau; y conio 
alii fiK'se 61 y Ioh su^'os, luego alii en improvirio liizo el is(;l y el ilia, y ([ui- 
al Bol inanclo (|ue anduvie.sc jwr el eur.so ijue anda; y luego dieen que liizo 
las estrellas y la luna. El eual Con Tici Viracocha, dicen haber b-alido 
otra vez dntea de uquella, y ((ue en esta vez primera que Balio, hizo el (iielo 
y la tieira, y iiue todo lo dej6 e.seuro; y que ent.onces liizo aquclla geule 
que lia!")ia en el lieinpo de la eseuridad ya dielia; y (juc ewta genie le iii/,o 
cicrlo (.le.s(!i'viei() i'l este Vii'aeocha, y eoino dilla e.stuvicse enojado, toin6 
esta vez j)o.slrera y .sali6 <:oniO antes habia heeho, y :1 uc(Uella genie 
priniera y a su S(>nor, en (^astigo del enojo (|ue le liieieron, liizol(jH que se 
tornasen piedra luego." 

"Asi conio salio y en uquella inesnia bora, conio ya lienioa dielio, dicen 
que hizo el sol y dia, y luna y estrellas; y que esLo hecho, que en a(iuel 
asiento de Tiaguanaeo, hizo de piiKlra oierta gente y nianeru de dechado 
do la gente que des|)ueH habia de pi'oducir, haeiendolo en esta nianera. 
Que hizo de piedra ciei lo ni'iinero de gi-nte. y un princi|)al ijue la gobeniaba 
y senoreaba y inuehas inujeres prefuidas y ot.ras paridas y qu(^ los ninos 
Ionian en cunas, scgun su uscj; todo lo cu;l1 ansi hi-cho de i)iedra, que lo 
apartaba. a oierta jjarle; y que el luego hizii otra jjrovineia all! en Tiag- 
uanaeo, forni.'lndolos ile pii'ilias en la nui/iera ya dii-lia, y eoiiio Ins liobiese 
acabado de luu-er, niandoa toda. su gente c]ue se jiarliesen todos los cpie 
el alii consigo tenia, (lejando solos dos en su eouipauia, a los euales dijo 
(lue niirasen afiuellos bultos y los noinbres que les habia dado 6. eada 
genero de aquellos, senalandoles y dioiendoles', estos se llaniaran los 
tales y saldrdn de tal fuente en tal piovincia, y pnl,lar;iii en ella, y alii 
seran amnentados; y estos saldi'/m de lal eiieva, y se nombraian los 
fulanos, y i)oblaran en tal i)artis y ansi eunio yo aqui l(js tengo jiintados 
y heehos de i)iedras, ansi ban de salir de las i'uentes, rios, y cuevaa y 
oerros, &ca &ca ctea. " (|). fi) " IC como il Con Tici V'iileoc.ha liobiese ya 
despaehado esto, y ido en la nianera ya dieha, dicen <iue los dos (pie alii 
quedaron con 61 en el pueblo de'Tiaguauaco, que los envio asirnisnio a 
que llamasen y sacasen las geutes en la manera que ya liabeis oido, . . . 
Y estos dos ansi despaehados, tlioen que el ansiinismo se parti6 por el 
derecho hai'ia el C'u/.eo. 

■^I'liere is hai<Uy any doubt that l!etan/os obtained Ins infcjrniation 
at first hand and jKirtly, at least, when Indian lore was not yet inlluenced 
by c.ontaet. Mis version l)ears every mark of being aiithe'nti('. 'J'he 
substance niay bo resumed as follows: 

An earliest period of darkness, during wliich "heaven and eartli " were 
created by a man. After this first creative act, the peojjle he had made 
angered liim, and ho disappeared. At what place this Orst "creation" 
took ijlace is not told. This tale of an obscure time is, to-day, beli(;ved 
by the Bolivian Aniyara, who call it " Chamak-Tompu, " Chamak 
meaning — "dark" or sinister, fiut it should not be lost sight of, that 
the earliest teaching, as well as those of all missionaries afterwards, 
tended to inqjress upon the ln<lian, that his |)iiniilive condition, fioiu a 



1911.1 



The Ruins at Tiuhuanaco. 



255 



4 



* 



religious stanrlpoint, wiis one of menial obticuriti/. Also must we recollect, 
that the tale of the world's creation, acconliug to Mosaic tradition, begins 
uilh a {)eriod of obscurity. And this (ale was told ihe natives at a very 
early time. It n)ight be therefore, that already \\\u:u hetanzos began 
his inquiries, some vague Christian noti(jus had penetrated the Indian 
mind. I merely call attention to such pussibilUicti. 

'J'hen the same man reapi)eared, from some part of the Lake of Tilicaca, 
under the nanie of Con 'I'ici Viracocha. He took revenge upon the 
first people by turning them into stones and werit to Tiahuanaco, and 
tlare made the sun, moon and stars. After having created these at 
'I'iahuariaco, the "Viracocha" (as I sfiall call him fdr the sake of brevity) 
made statues there in the shape of iiuti, which statues became either 
models from which mankind was afterwards coiiied or were transported to 
the various jilaees where they afterwards took life. If we compare this 
tale with the descriptions of stone-ligLUos at Tiahuanaco, by Diego de 
Alcebaza, we cannot helj) susjiecting that it might be an Indian "myth 
of observation." 

But 15etanzos also obtained from the Indians wlial, they I'laiuied to be 
a personal description of tlie "Viracocha." (Cap. II, p. 7.) "que 
preguntando a los Indios que que tigura tenia este Viracocha cuando 
ansi le vieron los antiguos, segun que ellos tenian noticia, y dij6romue 
que era un honilire alto tie (aierpo y C|ue tenia una vestidura blanca que 
le daba hasta los [lies, y (piesta vestidura traia ceiiida; e ([ue traia el 
cabello corto y una corona heclia en la cabeza ii manera de sacerdote; 
y que andaba destocado, y que traia en las manos cierta cosa que d elloa 
Ics parece el dia de hoy como estos breviarios que los sacerdotes traian 
en la.s manos. Y esta es la razon que yo desto tuve, segun que los Indioa 
me dijeron. Y preguntcles c6mo se llamaba aquella i)ersona en cuyo 
lugiir aquella piedra era puesta, y dij6ronme que se llama Con Tici Vira- 
cocha Pachayachachie, ijue quiere decir en su lengua, Dios llaeedor 
del Mundo." 'J'liis information, he asserts, to have obtained from 
the Indians at Cacha, where fairly preserveil remains of Inca archi- 
tecture exist to-day and where a stone-statue made in remembrance of 
Viracocha existed at the time Hi'tanzos made these in(iuirie.s. He saw 
it and many other Spaniards also. 1 have no doubt that lietanzos heard 
this tale from the Indians directly and that it is no invention of his; but, 
altliough only about fifteen years had elapsed since the first contact of 
the aborigines with Europeans, thepo.ssibihty is not excluded that the 
former may, in onler to ingratiate themselves with Ihe latter, have 
represented the Viracocha as an apostle (of whom they had been repeat- 
edly told already) and in the garb of a dominicaii mciiik, as the \vhite 
robe would suggest. Leaving this aside, I call attention to the fact that 
the tales preserved by Betanzos -are but repeated, with slight variations, 
by all wiiters subsequent to him, ami that the adilitions which they 
njade, bear a post-Columbian stamp. This I shall endeavor to establish. 

Garcilasso de hi Vega in his Comeniarios realea, (Vol. 1) discrimiuatea 
between specific inca tradition and traditions of other Peruvian tribes. 



t 



256 Amerj^mi Antiquarian Sociciij. [Ot;t., 

According to hirn, the foriner iiiukc no incnlion of '^riuluianaco, wlicrcas 
iliO people of the Cullao (Ayinaia) and l,ho^Je of Cunti.suyu west of 
Cuzco: "dizeii piiea que cessadas law aguas bc, apai'C,s('i6 vn hoijil;rc en 
Tiahuaiiaeo, que estd al nK'(li(jdia del C'ozeo, q fu6 tan podero.so (jue 
reparti6 el niundo en quailcj paitcs, y las dio ;i quatro hombre.s que llani6 
Reyes." Idiis ia, in substance, also the account of Ik'tanzos. Accord- 
ing to Carcilasso, tiie tradition mentioning Tiahuunaco is a Colin, hence 
Ayinara Iradllion. 

Two years after Betanzos had ccjnqilrted liis work, the Real Ccibdd 
of December 20tli, 1553, was prtjniulgaled, by wliieh the Prima; Jiegent 
of Spain ordered the royal Auilcneia of Peru to report u|)(ju primitive 
customs of the Peruvian Indians. According to Fat her Joseph de Acosta, 
llistoria tailural y mural de las Indius (1G()8, Lib. \'I, p. 429) Pliilip II 
Bubseijuentiy commanded a close inquiry into the origin, religious lites 
and customs of the Inca, and the outcome as far as officially known, i^ 
contained in two publications. One is entitled, liclacion de las Idolalriaa 
de los Incus e Indios y de corno se enlcrruhan, (Dncimtcntos incdit; de 1 ndius, 
Vol. XXI, pp. 131 to 220). The other bears the title of: Informaciunes 
acerca del Senorio y Gobiernu de las Ingui^. (In the same volume with the 
Memorias of Montesinos, Madrid 1SS2, pj). 177 to 25U). Both were 
made under tliC auspices of Don Francisco de 'J'oledo, and neither men- 
tions Tiahuanaco. The last embodies exclusively the declaiations of 
Quichua Indians, the former (as far as the atrocious misprints of Indian 
names permit judging) were also of Cuzco Indians or of natives from the 
north and west, without a single Aymanl or CoUa among them. Hence 
it seems at least very likely, that the Tirdiuanaco traditions are speci- 
fically Aj'mard. 

At the time when the above mentioned investigations were carried 
on (1570 to 1572) the .secular priest, Crist6bal de Molina, was at Cuzco, 
and he improved his position and constant intercourse with the Indiana 
for collecting their traditions and folklore. Twenty years had elapsed 
since Betanzos did the same, and we may expect some changes, at h^ast 
in the wording, of the stories. The writings of Molina are known to ua 
as yet only in the English translation by Markham under' the title of: 
The Fables and Riles vf the Incus, (In: Nurratives of the Rites and Laws 
of the Incus, Hackluyt Society, 1875). Molina claims, as one of lub 
chief sources "But in a house of the Sun called Poqucn Cancha, which 
is near Cuzco, thej' had the life of each one of the Yncas, with the landa 
they concinered, jjainled with figures on certain boards, and al.so their 
origin. Among these paintings the following fable wa.s represented." 
&ca. — 

In another place: Aboriginal Myths and Traditions concerning the 
Island of Titicaca, {American Anlhrupolvgist). I have alluded to the 
analogy of the myths gathered by Molina with those preserved by Betan- 
zoa. The difference between the two consists mainly in the hrst state- 
ments of the former: "In the life of Manco Capac, who was the first 
Ynca and from whom tliey began to be called children of the Sun and to 



l!)ll, 



The Ruins nl Tiahuanaco. 



257 



! i 



worship the Sun, they had h full accoiinl of the delugt;. Thoy say tliat 
all jicoplo and all cieatctl tliiiifi^.s pcrisln^d in it, in as far as the water rose 
above all (he highest lUf.uiitain.i in the world. No liviiii.'; lliiriRs survived 
except a nian and a wonian, who niiKujicd iualMj\,;aid win n ihe waters 
subsided, th(.' wind (nirried (hem lo Jiu;uia..M (Tiahaaiiaiu is meant), 
which will be over 70 leagiu's from Cuzeo, a litiK' moi'e oj- less." 

Betanjios neither mentions a deluge nor does he connect Maneo Capac 
with Tiahuanaco, and Cieza as well as Garcilasso are silent on both pfiints. 
Molina, accoixiing to Cobo, Ilisloria, (Vol. Ill, p. 118) collected the 
statements of old Indians, from times anterior to the conquest: "Y poco 
despues (referring to the investigations bj' order of Toledo) en otra junta 
general de los ludios viejoa (pie habian alcanzado el reinado del Inca 
Cuayna Capac, que hizo en la misma cuidad del Cuzco Crist6bal de 
Molina, eura de la parrofpiia de Nuestra Sehora de los Remedios del 
Hospital de los naturales, por mandado del Obispo D: Sebastian de Lar- 
taum, se averigu6 lo mismo, resultando della una copiosa relacion de los 
ritos y fdbulas que en su gentilidad tenian los Indios perunaos. La cual 
conforma en todo lo sustancial con la del licencidao Polo, con la que 
se hizo por 6rden de Don Francisco Toledo, que amijas vini^;ron a mi 
poder y parece haberlas seguiiJo el |)adre Joseph de Acosta en lo que 
escribi6 del gobierno de los Ineas, y de sus idolatrias, en los libros V 
y VI de su Historia de Indias. Ultimamente, Garcilaso de la Vega, 
en la primera parte que saco d luz de la republica de los Incas, no se 
aparta casi en nada delas sobredichas relaciones." 

The report of Polo de Ondcgardo exists in Manuscript at Lima, but 
in Volume 17 of Docunientua incdilon de Indias, under the headings of: 
Relacion de los Fundumcntos accrca del notable dafio qe resuUa dc no guardar 
d los Indios sus fueros, and Dc la Orden que los Yndios lenyan en diuidir 
los tribulos e disiribuijTlos enlre si, both without signature but from the 
same date, June 2Gtli, 1571, are j)rubably from his pen also. On p. 9 
he says tliat: "6 avncpie algunos quieren decir que vinieron de ottaa 
partes & pol)lar alii; pero desto no hace mucho al caso, porque dizen que 
fud antes del Diluvio <5 traen alia ciertas yrnaginaciones, como cosa tan 
antigua no a)' para quo parar en ello." It will be observed that accord- 
ing to the above, the oldest myths of tlie Indians refer to times anterior 
to the deluge, hence the latter was probably interpolated after the con- 
quest. It seems likely that, after forty years of contact during which 
the church made strenuous efforts to inculcate into the mind of the 
Indiana, not only precepts, but cosmogony and history, from the Bible, 
a part of these fdtered into Indian tradition. If we eliminate the story 
of the deluge and the incident of Manco Capac, Molina tells us nothing, 
the substance of which is not already incorporated in the book of Betanzoa. 

The Jesuit Acosta, Historia, (Lib. I, Cap. 25, p. 82) is concise, but 
unusually discriminating for his time. He says: "Conio quiera que sea, 
di/.en los Indios, que con aquel su diluuio, se ahogaron totlos los hom- 
bres, y cucntan, quedc la gran laguna I'iticaca, salio vu Viracochu, el qual 
hizo assieuto eu Tiaguanac(j, donde se veen oy ruinas y pedayos, de 



258 American A itliquar'KUi Sucich]. [Oct., 

edificioa antigiios, y iiiuy cdtrano.s, y (jue dc ulli viuioron al Cuzco, y 
EHsi torri6 k inultiplicarae el genero hunuuio." Acosla came to Peru 
ill 15(J9, and was sent to Cuzco as "visitor" of the Jesuit College; of that 
city in 1571. He remained there until 1574, that is (hiring the time lA 
Toledo and Molina. His stal<ement- aljout the (-leluge is worthy of atten- 
tion: "Ay entre ellos comunmente gran notieia, y muclia |)l;ltiea del 
diluuio, pero no se puc dc bio determinar, si el diiuiiio (jui- e.stos relic irn, 
es el uniuersal, que caieuta la diuina Escritura/ 6 si fue aJgimo otro dilu- 
uio, 6 inundacion particular, de las regiones <'n que elllos mora: riias do 
que en aquestas tierras, liombres e.xpertos dizen, (.|ue se veeii senales 
daras, de auer auido alguna gran inundacion. Yo mas me llego al pare- 
cer, de los que sienten, cjuo los rastros y sehales ([ue ay de diluuio, no 
eon del de Noe, sino de alguno otro particular," — The "signs" to which 
he alludes were fossils, inollusks, recognized at an early day naiiuiriiie 
Bhells. "^rhe Indian uses fossils of a striking foi-m as fetishes, and it may 
be tliat exiilan.ations of these; (by S])aniards, es])ecially by jiriests) as 
evidences of a flood, also made an inijjression lipon the Indian mind. 

It is superfluous to mention here any of tliose authors who, like (1(j- 
niiira and llerrcra, eoidd not write from personal acquaintance with 
South America. "^I'he Dominican Gregorio flarcia however, resided for 
a number of years in Peru towards the end of the sixteenth century, and 
it ia not immaterial that he acc<!pts Betanzos without reserve. Ori(j,_n 
de loa Indiea dc cl Ninvo Mundo e Indins Oaidcidakx, (Etlition of 172'.), 
Lib. V, Cap. VII, pj). WM) and 331). He copies hini almost, literally. 

Leading Spanish writers fnmi the seventeenth crntmy ai)peai, wiih . 
one exception, as expounders and ex])anders of Betanzos. 'The exception 
is the Jesuit, Anello Oliva, who came to Peru from Naples in 1597, re- 
maining there the remainder of his life. He died at Jama in 1042. His 
book, in.sturia del Pcruy Varortes insiynes en Suniidad dc. la Coiiipuhia 
de JfHus, was concluded in 1031. and lately [niblishcd at Lima. In it 
there is a statement (p. 38): "Luego diuidi6 el Heino en (juatro partes 
quo son las mismas en (}ue el giar Huyustus antes que (tonuaa^'aia a rcinar 

su padre Manco Capac lo aula repartido y pas.s6 a las partes 

de Tyyay Vanaca jior ver sus edificios que antignamente llaiuaban 
Chucara, cuya antiguedad nadie sujjo determin.atla. Mas solo que 
alii viuia el gran senor Huyustus <iue decian era Senor di; todo el mundo." 
On(; of Oliva's chief informants was an Indian from Cochabamba (central 
Bolivia) bearing the Aymant name of Catari. The stoxy docs not 
conflict with Betanzos, there is even a decided resemblanci; with the 
performances of Viiacoi.ha at Tiahuanaeo. 15ut the name "Huyustus," 
if obtained from Indians, is neither Aymard nor t,)iii( hua. 

1'he (Juichua Indian, Juan de Santa Cruz Pachaculi Yamqui Salcam- ■ 
ayhua, wrote, earl}' in the seventeenth century, a Riincltm dc Anltgne- 
dadc^ dciite lieyrio del Peru, published at MadritI in 1879 in a volume 
entitled: Tres Reluriones de Antigiieilades pcruanun. He was "natural 
de los pueblos dc Hananguaygua y Huringu.ai-Guacanchi de Orcasuyo, 
entre Canas y Canchis de Collasuyu," Collasuyu having formerly been 



1911. 



TIic Ruins at Tiaftuanaco. 



251) 



mostly occupied by Ayintirii Indians, it is not unlikely that Salcamayhuu 
heard Ayraard traditions. And folklore (he asserts) waa his aliiKi.it 
exclusive source. "Digo quo emos oydo siendo nino nuticias antiquisi- 
mos y las ystorias, barbarisnios y fdbulas del tiempo de las gentilidai.les, 
que es con'io se sigue, que entre los naturales d las cosas de los tienipos 
pasados sieinpre los suelcn parlar. " 

Salcarnayhua says nothing of a deluge. Neither docs he nientioQ uu 
earlie.st \mnod of obscurity. He begins with the world already created, 
but when evil spirits roamed over the earth and showed themselves to 
mankind. Then there appeared a bearded man, of middleheight and with 
long hair, wearing a long shirt. He is said to have been of more than 
mature age, with grey hair, thin, and he carried a stick. This personage 
he calls (I omit the portentous complete name) Touapa or Tarapaca 
but also Viracochan, &ca. He preaclied to the natives, reprimand- 
ing them for th(Mr vicious habits; Sulcauiayhua therefore identilies him 
with the Apostle Saint Thomas. Afler many waudejings among the 
Aymaras and on the shores of Lake Titicaea, 1'onapa canie to Tiahuanaco 
which was then inhabited; "en donde le bi6 uu pueblo llamado Tiya- 
guanaco, que en ella dizeu que estaban la gente de aquel pueblo entendi- 
endo en sua borracheras y bayles, adonde dicho Tunapa, d, la despedida, 
lo ban llegado, predicarles como solian hazer, el qual no fueron oydos; 
y dizen que de puro enojo les dijo, alsando los ojos al cielo en la lengua 
de a(iuella tierra. Y como se i)arti6 de aquel lugar, toda la gente ques- 
tauan baylando se qued6 hechas piedras, combertiendose, cjue liasta 
el dia de oy se echa de ber. Remito i'l los que han pasado por alii. "From 
Tiahuanaco he went to tlie Dcsaguadero and thence to the sea. 

Betanzos does not mention the name Tunapa or Tonapa, but the 
story told by Salcarnayhua about Tiahuanaco is the Viracocha tale under 
another name. Cieza, in mentioning Viracocha, also calls him Tuapaca. 
Tonapa is, therefore, oiily another designation for the Viracocha of 
Betanzos. We, ourselves, heard the story from a Quichua Indian of 
Azangaro in Peru, who called Tonapa "Juan Rubio"; and also from Ay- 
manl Indians of Sicasica in Bolivia. It is intiniately connected wlih the 
yet mysterious cross of Carabuco on the eastern shores of Lake Titicaea. 

About the time when Salcarnayhua composed his Rdacion, the tale 
of Tonapa appeared in the book of the Augustine Fray Alonzo Ramos, 
Hisloria del celebre ymilagroso Santuario de la Ynsicjnc Ymagcu dc Nra 
Sra de Copacabana. (Lima 1()2L) (Cap. 27, 28, 29 and 30, I'arte 
primera.) Ramos does not mention 1'iahuanaco. His inform:ilion 
may have come from several sources. In the first place from the Indians 
of the western shores of Titicaea, where Ramos was stationed for a long 
time at Copacavana; from Carabuco, where the mysterious cross had 
been exhumed about forty years previous to the publication of his book, — 
and from the investigations at Cuzco. 

Subsequent writers of the Augustine order followed Ramos almost 
literally in regard to the Island of Titicaea, but the ponderous chronicles 
of Father Antonio dc la Calancha contain considerable information on 



200 American AnL'uiudrian. I'iocuiy. [Oct., 

Tiahuiinaco. I'lu; (ir.st voliiiiu; of llic Curaiiira vioralizadn ihi Onlcn 
de San Aijvutiii en cl I'crv, a|ipcai'ed in 1()38; tlic .second, ('i)roiiuii iiiDvtd- 
izada de. la i'mvincia del I'cro dd ordca dc iSan Avfjonlin Nveslru J'adre, 
(very rare) in ItiSl. I'uUi were printed at Lima. VVliat Calanclui 
claiias to be Indian tradition al)out Tialiuanaco in contained in tlic first 
volume: (Lib. II, Cap. X, |). Sfjii). "Decian los Indies — Que aviendo 
Dios criado cl Mudo (que cllos llaiua Paehaj'aehacliie, i quiere decir, el 
Maestro i Criador d(^l iniindo, i el Dios invisible) i cu el los onbres le 
fueron menospreciando, poicpic los uiios adorauan rios, otros I'ucntes, 
inotea i pcnasecs, i los azian iguale.s a el en diuinidad; sentiu nniclio el 
Dios Pacliayachaehio semejantc; dclito, i Irs (■asti!j;ava con rayu.s esla 
injuria. El eastigo no enfrcnavu bu iniquidad, i asi irritado del todo lea 
arroj6 tan gran aguaccro, i tan inmesa eantidad de a.giia, que aogA todoa 
los onbres, de los quales se escaparon algunos (no (aUjiados) perniitien- 
dolc, Dios, que se subiesen en altissimos ilrboles, en coronas de las enuuni- 
brados montes, i se escondiesen en cuevas, i grutas de la tierra, de doii'le 
los sac6, quando el Hover avia cesado, i les di6 6rden (jue jmblaseii la 
tierra, i fuesen duenos dclla, donde viviesen alegres i dichosos. Ellos 
agradecidos rl las cuevas, montes, iirbolos i escondrijos, los tenian en gra 
veneracion, i les comenf;aro sus ijos A adorar, aziedo a cada iiiio fdolo 
i guaca. E aqui el origen de tantu niultitud rie adoratorios i guaeas; q 
fuo, cl dezir q cada familia q ;i su progenitor anpart') tal mote, :irbol 6 
eueva, enterradose donde estava enterraiio ku primer progenitur. 
Iiolvi6se Su Dios A enojar, i convirti6 & todos los maestros destos 
adoratorios en piedras duras, conio a endurccidos, il qiiien rayi/s de 
fuego, ni grandes diluvios de agua avian enfrenado. Asta eutonees no 
avia el Pachaj'acLaohic criado al Sol, la Luna i las ostrellas, i fii61as A 
criar al pueblo de Tiaguriaco, i a la laguna Titicaca de C'liucliito. 101 
Sol BC fue luego al Indio Mangocai)ac, i le proij6 e izo Rev, piHiiendole, 
todas las insignias que iisaron loa Ingas &ca. &ca. " 

This is in substance the story told by Retanzos with the addition of 
the (feluge and of Manco Capac. Calancha previously makes the follow-; 
ing remark: "el Indio Mancocapac priinero Rey del Peru era natural 
de Tiaguanaco 6 de algu poblezuelo conjunto ;1 61, era de corazon valeroso 
como ver6moH presto i al comenQar su Kenorio se debi6 de valer de intro- 
duzir d los ludios, que aquel que le libr6 en las aguas i reparti6 los Reynos 
avia dado d sua antcccsores el senorio destas tierras; porque si no so jun- 
tan asi las palabras de la tradicion (dejado lo fabuloso de Tiaguanaco i 
de la piedra de Tanbo) ni era posible eirtonces navcgar tan imimerablea 
mares ni ir A fundar el xn'iuier pueblo a O'fdio ni a Tiagu;inaco. Este 
nobre no lo tuvo el pueblo antes que tuviesc'n Ilcyes (lu^re follows the 
well-known etymology of Tiahuaiiaeo according to Garcilasso de la Vega). 
. " Calancha objecta to the Viracocha tradition on the ground 
of the impossibility to cross eeas and oceans, while it appears to him 
perfectly plausible that Tunupa was the ajiostle, St. Thomas, lie 
makes him land somewlu^rc in Brazil and thence, accompanied by a 
disciple called Taapac, travel through Paraguay and liolivi.-t to Tia- 



1911.] The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. 261 

huunaco. "Pa,ti6elHu,iito Predicudord Tialiuanaco, Frovincia del Collao, 
que eatd, al inediodia del Cuzco, donde yo 6 estado dos veof':j, niuestru 
aver eido gran poblauion i jliene edificios do piedra con tanto primor 
usentadas, que win mezcla, ni otto betuii pronietan perpetiiidad. Aqui 
dicen los Indioa que apare(;i6 el primer ombre saliendo de la laguna, i 
crio lo8 denias onbrea, i izo la creacion del aol i las E.strellas: reparti6 
cl inundo cnl-re quatru." At the same time he suggests a significative 
, explanation. (Lib. I, Cap. XIV, p. 93). "Fdbula como clausula de 
Papagayo, que cojiendo conic media razon de uno, i uu pedago de otro 
forma un disparate, oycro al prirnero que se mu]tiplic6 ac;l, que despues 
de echo todo el muodo, i criado Dios Sol, Luna i Eatrellas, por pecadoa 
vino el Diluvio que dej6 el Muiido echo Laguna, i della sali6 su progenitor 
& tierra i reparti6 el Mundo entre sua tres hijos i poniendo lo ultimo al 
priiic'ii)io formaron su disparate que tan asentado estuvo on ostos Indios. 
Aqui predic6 el Decipulo santo, i solo se sabe que aviendoles predicado 
uueatra F6 i sus vicios sucedio lo que dicen dos Autores alegaiido al que 
lo escribe en estas palabras, Eu Tlaguauaco ay grandes antiguallas i 
entre ellas iiiuchas figuras de onbrea i mugeres, dicen los Indios presentcs, 
que pOr grandes pecados que izieron los de aquel tierapo, i porque aped- 
rearon il un onbrc que pas6 por aquiilla Provinoia, fueron convertidos 
en aquellas Estatuas, " 
\ By attributing the primary cause of the creation and deluge myths 

to the Apostle, Saint Thomas, Calancha tacitly athnils that they are of 
Christian origin and subseciuently incorporated in Indian lore. He also 
alludes to the stone-Iigures of "^riahuanaco as having given rise to the 
"myth of observation," that people were turned into stone at some re- 
mote period. Still we must not overlook the fact that at the time of 
Betanzos this tale of petrification waa current among (lie Indians so that, 
while possibly an observation myth, it originated piior to the conquest, 
whereas the tale of the deluge is of post-Columljian introduction. 

I close with the short statement of Cobo, Ilidoriu del Nucvu Mundo, 
(Vol. IV, Cap. XIX, i>. 65) "porque tenian por opinion los Indios del 
Collao, que este pueblo eataba en medio del Mundo, y que del sali(5rou 
despucs del Diluvio los que lo tornaron d poblar. " 

It results from the above: I. That Tiahuanaco was built and settled 
at such a remote period, that clear recollection of its builders is lost. 
They may have been Aymanl, but there is no evidence of it as yet. 

2. That the first settlement of Tiahuanaco, stood in some relation 
to the Island vj Tilic.aca. 

3. That the original tratlitions concerning Tiahuanaco are Aymara, 
not Quichua, folk-lore. These conclusions are not intended as linal. 
They are a mere resume of the material which I consider thus far pre- 
sentable. Sources will come up that may modify them to a considerable 
extent. Besides, there are inklings pointing at the existence of data 
which would throw uirexpected hght upon aboriginal Indian tradition 
of Peru. But the time has not come yet to determine whether these 
indications rest on substantial foundations or not. 



262 American Antiquarian Societi/. [Oct., 

" Ordenayizas del Peru. (EdiUon of 1752, Vol. I, Lih. H, 'I'iL. IX, 
Ordenunza VIII, folio 146.) 

" PiLudovico Bertonio, Arte dc la Lenguu Aymura, (lltiprint by PlaU- 
mann, 1879, Original from 1003, p. 10, " Al Lelor"). "l']n quanto a. la 
priiiiera deslas trea cosas digo, que priiiciiialriicute .se ensefia en esta arte 
la lengua Lupaca, la qual no es inferior ;ila Paeasa, que entre toda.s laa 
lenguas Ayuiiiricab tiene el primer lugar; y es nmclio mas elegante, que 
todas las dcnias, que arriua hemes nombrado. La razon desto puede 
eer: porqile ordinariamente habian mejor lu lengua materna los que 
est^n en loa exlrcmo.y,. . . . eomo eatdn loa I'aeases y lAipacaa en medio 
de todaa kw Aymaraes. " 

^' This seems already to have been the case at the time of E. G. Sijuier, 
Peru, (Chapter 3, pp. 302 and 303). 

^'^ It is needle.sa to prove it. Tlu; fact is too well known. I would only 
call attention to tliC observation of Beitonio, Vocabulario, (I, fol. 28) 
"mas jjroprio es Hatha." The word "Ayllu" may be originally Qtiiehua 
gradually introduced among the Aymard. by conlacl. 

" Ordtnanza.)! dd Peru, (Vol. 1, Lib. II, Tit. IX, fol. 115. Ordenanza 
II). "Primeramente, porq entre los Indies se acostunjbra que cjuando 
la India de vn Ayllo, 6 repartimiento se casa con Indio de otro reparti- 
miento, 6 Ayllo, y I'l marido se muere dexando hijos 6 hijas los Caciquea 
Princijiales cuya i^ra la India antes que se casase la compelen abolver al re- 
partimiento, y Ayllo adonde era antes, y Uevar consigo los hijos cpie huvo 
del marido. Ordeno, y niando, que 6. India de vn Ilepartiuiiento, par- 
eialidad, y Ayllo (jue se casase con Indio de otro, de.\en los hijos que en 
ella huviere haviilo su marido en el repartimiento jmrcialidad, y Ayllo 
donde su padre era tributario, porque alii lo han de ser ellos, y ella se 
passe & su rei)artimiento, 6, Ayllo, si sua Caziques, 6 Principales la jjidi- 
eren, dexilndola estar algun tiempo con bus hijos hasta (jue el menor 
dellos sea de edad de echo anos para arriba, purque no les haga falta 
HU auscncia al tiempo antes." This Ordinance had in view only the 
facilitation of tax-gathering, but it virtually broke up the rules of Indian 
descent in many places though not everywhere, as the following docu- 
ment sliows. Adjudicaciuufsde rudios en la Vi^ila de Reduccion (jencral, 
en Huaicho, November 8th, 1608, (MSti. pertaining to the collection of 
Don Manuel Vicente Ballivian, I>a Paz). All the Indian children were 
adjudicated to the clans of their muUu.rs anil even to the vilLigca if Ihey 
had not been born at Huaicho. 

'■'^ Libra de cat>sudos que perleneze a este puclAo dc Tlaguunaco comicnza 
a ocho de Ilcnero de 1G94 A^, aicndu Curu propio I''r. Gabriel de Barcella 
y Guillealegui. "Los cassadoa naturales deste d '" pue° se hallardu 
puestos en sua dos parcia'*, Hananzaia (f. 3) Ilurinzaia. " The cu.stom, 
of the principals of the two divisions oc('upying distinct sides (jn cere- 
monial occasions, is already described by Joan de Matienzo, Qobkrno 
del Peru con todas las cosas pertcnecicrdts a el y a su hisloria, (MSS. Lenox, 
no date, but after 1559 and before 1570, Ca]!. 6, folio 19). "Losdela 
parcialidad de Anansaya se asientan ilia mano izquierda en sus asientoa 



1911.] The Ruins at Tiahuanaco. 263 

vnjoH que Hainan Duos aeada vno por su ordeu, 6 loa de Vrinsaya ala 
rnaiio i/.ciuiorda tras au Caziquc Priuzipal y loa do Anausaya a la mauo 
dcrecha tras su Curaca. . ." 

''^ MSS. Ut supra. — Mazaya and Arazaya are called "pareialidadea" 
in 1710, and as such, i)lainly distinguished from the Allyu or claiid. 
In 1586 llahuanaco is stated to have had about 800 tributary Indiana: 
Relaciou de la Frovincia de los Pacajcs, (In Vol. II of the Rclacioncs gcog- 
rdficas dc Indias, p. 55). "Tiene ochocientoa y tantos Indios tributarioa, 
que Kolian estar en diez pueblos." The latter is interesting, since it 
establishes that the AyniarA who occupied the region at tlie time of the 
conquest, lived as scattered as elsewhere on the Bolivian Puna. Tlie 
number of tributary Indians is given in 1596 (five years latt-r) ofhcially at 
8G8. Rclacion de los Indios IriJndarios &ca. (Documantos in{:<lLtus de 
Indias, Vol. VI, p. 50.) 

*" I give the names of the clans of Tiahuanaco as they appear. The 
orthography varies in some cases and I cannot guarantee its correctness. 
Chambi (also Champi and Chaubi), Aparo (also Aparu), Lupi, Colliri, 
Achaca, Chiu, Calaoca, Guaucolla (Achaca, Calacca and Guancolla are 
said to pertain to Hurinzaia), Cuaraya, Caasa, (also Casa and Caaaa), 
Tarqui, Achuta, and Cuij)a. Chambi is ascribed to Arazaia. 

■" Feru, (p. 304). He calls it tlie Chunu-feast. There is no such 
celebration. What Mr. Scjuier saw was simply the dances at Corpus 
Christi which arc indeed pre-Columbian in character, but tolerated by 
the church with certain restrictions. 

" "Sico"is the name of the flute played by theSicuri, hence the name. 
Bcrtonio, Vocabulario, (II, folio 31 G). 

" Vocabulario, (II, Folio 288). "Quena Quena: Coaa muy agugerada." 
(f. 289) "Qena Quena I'incollo. Flauta de cana." 

** The viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo already restricted the Indian 
festivities, Ordenanzas del Peru, (Lib. II, I'it. IX, Ord. IX, fol. 146). 
"Iten, mando, que loa Indios e Indias comunes, ni Caziques, ni prin- 
cipalea no hagen taquics, ni borracheras; y si alguuoa baylea quisieren 
hazer sea de dia, y en lugares, y fiestas piiblicaa con liceucia del Correg- 
idor, y Sacerdote, & quien sc encarga se la den con moderacion y con 
upercibimieuto, que haciendolo de otra manera, serdn castigados." 
The CoHsliluciones synodalcs del Ar<;ohispado de los Reyes, en el Peru 
(1613, reprint from 1722, Cap. VI, fol. 7) ordained: "Y para que con el 
favor de Nuestro Senor se quiten las ocasiones (jue por e.xpcriencia se 
ban visto, que lo ban sido para las dichas Ydolatrias, y el Demonio no 
prosiga en sus enganos, estariin advertidos de no consentir loa vaylea, 
cantares, 6 taquica antiguos, en lengua materna ni General, y hariin 
que se consuman loa instrumentoa que para ellos tienan, como son los 
tamborilloa, cabegaa de venados, antaras, y i)lumeria, y los demas que 
se hallaren, dexando solamente los atambores de que vsan en las dangaa 
de la fiesta del Corpos Christi, y de otros sanctos y prohibanln las borra- 
cheras castigandoalos que hallaren culpados en ellas, . . " A very 
stringent prohibition of the sale of new wiuc to Indians ia contained in 



264 Americnn Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

the Conatilucioncs ai/iuxlales of liiSG, (Reprint from 1722, fol. 51, Cap. 7). 
"Ueii, por (^1 grave y eoiiocido diino o rewiilta li !oa Indioa de llcvarlea 
alguiioa Gurus, y algunos Corregidores vino nuevo d loa [luebloa de los 
diehos Indios, de darles fiada la bolija de vino (cjue quando inuehc) A 
cotitado d veinte reales) per diez, 6 doze pessoa, de que -i resullado el 
acabarniento, y dirainucion de los ludiea, por aer coino es, cosa muy cierta 
([ue los mas inueren de bever dieho vino y por foinentar laa br)rracli(TaB 
con su ocasion." 

The primitive Indian dances, that is the three principal ones, were 
easily made to coincide with the principal feasta of the church, as the 
Indians had no fixed days for them. In the Carta jjarloral de Exurlacion 
e Instruccion contra las Jdolatrias de lus Indios del Argubispada de Lima, 
(Lima 1(549, fol. 43) there is the following statement by the author, 
Archbialiof) Villugomez: "Acabadas las confessionea en las fiestas 
solemnes, que suelen ser tres cada Son; la principal cerca del corpus, 6 
en ella miama que llaman Oncoymita, que es quanda aparecenlas seite 
cabrillas, que llaman Oncoy, las quales adoran por(}ue no se Ics sequen 
los nuuzes; la otra es al ])riucipio de las aguas por Nauidad, 6 poco 
dcspues; y esta suole ser al trueno, y al rayo, porque einbie lluuias; 
otra suele ser qvando cogen el inaiz, que llaman Ayrihuauiita poriiue 
baylan el Ayrihua. " These three Indian festivals so nearly coincide 
with Corpus Christi, Christmas, and Easter, that they could be per- 
formed under cover of the church celebration. This was soon discovered 
by the clergy. I refer, among others, to the following passage of the 
Exortacion e Instruccion, (folio 57). "15. — Si en las fiestas del Corpus 
Christia, 6 en otras fiestas de la Iglesia, fingiendo los Indios que hace 
liestas de christianos, an adorado, 6 adoraii oecultamente it eus idolos, 
6 an hecho 6 hacen otros ritos. " 

*' This fact is established by nearly all the sources of older date. 

'" Pedro Piazarro, Relacion del discubriniiento y conquista do lus rcinos 
del Peru dcca, (la iJocumcntos par la Uistoria de Espana, Vol. 5, p. 278). 
■'Emborrachilbanse muy d nienudo, y estando borrachos todo lo que 
el demonio les traia d la voluntad haciau." Also (]). 347). There is at 
this day, a dance, called Mimula, which is [)r(jhibited on account of 
its obscenity. We saw it twice, though only at night and in dark corners 
of the square or street. 

*'' "Irpa" means to conduct. Our information in regard to the nature 
of the office is as yet contradictory and insullicicnt. 

*" It is easy to notice, that this word is post -Columbian, the second part 
of it being Spanish. 

" Cieza, Scgunda Parte de la Crdnica, (Cap. VII, p. 20). 

'''' Bcrtonio, Vocabulario, (II, f. 101) translates Lari Lari by ''wild 
people." 

" Ilinchu is car in Aymara. Kanu means dirty. 

" P. Pablo Joseph de Arriaga, S. J.—Extirpaciun de la Ydulatria del 
Pirv. Lima 1(J21, (p. 3). The first investigation of an olUcial charac- 
ter at Tiahuanaco was cunied on about 1021 by Bartolom^ de Ducfias. 



1911.] 



The Ruins ai TiaJmanaco. 



265 



4 



Arriagu, Extirpacion de la Yiliddtrut, (C'up. IX, p. 53) "y iinu;ho in;is 
escribe do 'JMahuaaucu lI X'ifilailm Halt; di; Dui'fia.s q dfxo, \)or no «er 
largo. " 

'^ Besides abundant, do(!Uinentary evidence there is the tesliniony of 
the graves theni.selvcs, vvheie human remains are always accomjjunied 
by veHsels for food and diinli. 

'■' 'I'his cHjiieeption of iSaiut James (Santiago) as god of lightning, 
calli^d forth special edicts from the higher clergy. It in mentioned in 
Exortacion e In^lruccion (fol. 40). "De <iuala(iuieru manera que sea, 
v.surjjan con grande supersticion el nombre de Santiago; y assi entre las 
demas constitucitmes que dexan los visitadorea acabada la visitu, es 
vna, que nadie se llamo Santiago, sino Diego." (Idenj, Edicto, f. 57). 
"26 — Si an tenido, o tienen mucho tiemjjo de por baiiti(,-ar d sua hijoa 
siedo ya grandes, 6 silos q ya estdn bautizados se an llamado, 6 llama 
con los nombrea de sua huacas, 6 con el del trueno, Uaniandose Curi, 6 
con el del rayo, llamandose Libiac, 6 Santiago." 'J'hia is taken in turn 
from Arriaga. Extirpacion, &ca. (Cap. VI, p. 33). He suggests the 
feame explanation attempted in the text. 

^' Exorlnciun (fol. 47). "En hacer sue casaa tienen, coujo en lodaa 
las dcma.s cosas, muchas supersticiones, combidando de ordinario d los 
de su ayllo. Rocian con cliicha los cimientos, y sacrilicuadola ])ara que 
no Be caygan las parcdes: y despues de liecha la casa, t;uubien la asperjan 
con la misma chi(;ha." Ramos, Hisluria (Edition of 1870, I, p. 41). 
"Era costumbre nmi conuin entre eatas jentes el juntar d los agoreroa, 
para que despuea de halter tornado su chicha, coca y otras iiecedadea 
designasen el lugar y la figura de la casa 6 choza (jue pensaban hacer. 
Miraban al ayre, e.scuchaban i:)djaros, eomo aruapice.s, invocabun d sua 
lares 6 al deruonio, con cantares tristes, al son de tamboriles destem- 
plados; y pronosticando el bueno 6 mal suceso empezaban la construction, 
poniendo d veces coca niascada en el cimiento, y aus asperjos de chicha. 
Concluida la obra, en que solian ayudarse, la fcstejaban con bailea, y 
convites conforine d sua aleances. . . Aun ahora no han acabado de 
perder esas abusiones al fabricar aus casitaa." O^his was in 1621 and at 
Copacavana. 



id^ 



r'<-r 



2G6 American Antiquarian Sociely. [Oct., 



SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DESIDERATA 
IN AMERICAN HISTORY. 

liY WILLIAM MacUONALIX 



It is not necessary to urgue l)efore this Society the 
importance of bibliography, or to plead for the recog- 
nition of bibliography as a substantive part of historical 
research or publication. The historian wlio to-day 
aspires to writing of the larger sort, the production of 
definitive histories as distinguished from monographs, 
is not only grateful for, but nuist d(^|)end very largely 
upon, the bibliographical investigations of others; whilt^ 
the learning involved in the preparation of a compre- 
hensive and adec[uate bibliography, even of a small 
topic, is sometimes quite as great, and hence quite as 
worthy of honor, as that required for tlie production of 
a narrative, a biography, or a formal treatise. The 
editing of documents has long been regarded as a worthy 
historical i)erformance, and there is no reason why the 
critical editing of titles, when done with equal precision 
and range, should not be equally esteemed. 

The purpose of this papier is to call attention briefly 
to certain of the more i)ressing bibliographical needs in 
the field of American history. I intentionally omit all 
consideration of the numerous bibliographies of small 
subjects, or of parts of large subjects, many of them 
highly meritorious, which have appeared in recent years; 
and I also pass by, as having quite a different aim, the 
selective and more or less popular biljliographies with 
which almost every writer of historical pretensions feels 
it necessary to round out his volumes. What I am con- 
cerned with, rather, is certain larger and much more 



1011.1 



Bibliograph ica I Dcsidera la . 



2()7 



serious iindertaking.s; not li[!;litly to be entered upon, 
indeed, but very much in need of being done. The 
plain fact of the matter is, that, with the enormous 
mass of historical material in the American field now 
available, and the portentous annual increment of 
pulilication, we are seriously in danger of being swamped 
in the effort to manage any considerable part of it; or, 
what is worse, of losing the sense of historical persjiec- 
tivc altogether, and of assuming that we are really 
writing hist(jry when we are editing somebody's journal, 
or publishing tlie annals of some local church, or tabu- 
lating the prices of commodities a century or two ago. 
And since we may be assured that the publication of 
Buch material will go on, gaining in scope and significance 
from year to year, we must in some way keep abreast 
of it; which means that we must prepare to do a great 
deal of systematic and comprehensive bibliographical 
work, 

I earnestly hope that it will not be considered presump- 
tuous, or in the least in derogation of the courtesy which 
should always exist in the relati(Mis of learned societies, 
if I call attention first of all to a work which, in the field 
of historical bil)liography, has as yet neither rival nor 
superior. I refer to Winsor's "Narrative and Critical 
History of America. " If I had to dispense with all the 
older books of American history that could be got on 
without, I could let most of them go, with only moderate 
grief and tears, save three: Richard Hildreth, for the 
as yet unrivalled comprehensiyeness and accuracy of 
his information; Moses Coit Tyler, for the searching 
insight of his "Literary History of the American Revo- 
lution"; and Justin Winsor, for his "critical essays" and 
general bibliographical notes. In the breadth and sure- 
ness of Winsor's bibliographical knowledge, as well as 
in the ease with which he handled it, his scholarship, 
like his volumes, was monumental. 

Yet tlie twenty-five years that have elapsed since the 
pubUcation of the "Narrative and Critical History" 
began have witnessed enormous changes in both the 



268 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

character and bulk of American historical material. 
Much tliat was then in manuscript has been printed, 
and some, unhappily, lost; many books once authori- 
tative have been superseded; new books have poured 
forth like a flood; nionograi>hic series have been ci'euted 
and multiijlied. The statements (jf Winsor's biblio- 
graphies can no longer be accorded the measure of author- 
ity which they once had. In certain other respects, too, 
the work has come to seem old; for exanijilc, the arrange- 
ment of the notes is not always such as to facilitate 
their use, and the indexes are inade(iuate. 

I am well aware that anyone who to-da}^ suggests 
the issuance of another co-operative history, invites 
deimnciation as a distm'ber of the public peace. Yet 
I frankly wish that, so far at least as the bibliographies 
are concerned, we might have a new edition of Winsor, 
or a work which bibliographically, at least, shoidd be com- 
parable to it. The task is a large one, and not every 
historical scholar is competent to engage in it. Perhajxs 
the suggestion should best come from our friend and 
neighbor, the Massachusetts Historical Society, with 
the co-operation of a number of whose members the 
original work was carried through; but in view of the 
fact that the President of that Society has said grace 
over our own new cornerstone, and that we have fur- 
nished a large i)art of the Mather Diary which that 
Society is now printing, it would not, I am sure, be 
thought unbecoming in the American Antiquarian 
Society to express its interest in the rejuvenation of a 
work which, after all the wear and tear of time, is still 
the greatest single product of American historical schol- 
arship and a treasured possession of the learned world. 

A second urgent need is for a bibliograpliy of Amejican 
newspapers and other periodicals. The importance of 
newspapers as historical sources has been, if not imder- 
estimated, at least scantily recognized, by historians; 
and with the exception of our associate, Professor Mc- 
Master, few writers of comprehensive histories have 
made either extended or systematic use of them. Yet 



i 

i. 

■ 



1911.] Bibliogra-phical Desiderata. 2G9 

I have come to believe that neither our poUtical nor our 
social development can be truly set forth until the wealth 
of data hidden in newspapers and magazines has been 
opened up and made available. It is to the newspapers 
that we must go, for example, to complete our informa- 
tion about the growth of colonial commerce, manufac- 
tures, and agriculture; the influence of English politics 
on the political activities and public opinion of the 
colonies; the progress and character of the Revolution- 
ary agitation of the eighteenth century; the reasons for 
the success of the Federal Constitution, one of the most 
interesting topics awaiting its finislied treatment; and 
about the nature and growth of slavery. In the nine- 
teenth century, one must seek largely in newspapers 
and magazines the origin and history of such great 
religious agitations as the Unitarian movement, or the 
movements of social reform which multiply after 1815 
in the East and the West, or the influence of European 
thought upon the great flowering period of American 
literature, or those great international reactions of cul- 
ture and social activity which more and more liave 
brought the American and the European mind to com- 
mon ground. 

If the bibliographical undertaking which I first men- 
tioned is one wliich we, as a Society, might offer to share 
with the Massachusetts Historical Society, a newspaper 
bibliography is pre-eminently our own task; since no- 
where else is there a collection of such material compar- 
able to our own. I do not underrate the magnitude of 
the work; it is, perhaps, the most considerable under- 
taking of a bibliographical sort that now needs to be 
done, although a well-organized co-operatiVe plan would 
lighten the labor. Once definitely accom{)lishcd, how- 
ever, and with the partial or complete files now extant 
located and listed, the historian would be in a position to 
begin the work, which we all realize has got to be done, 
of writing large sections of American history over again, 
as well as of taking up numerous important topics which 
as yet, for lack of such assistance, lie neglected. 



e='-' 



■ I j: i • : 



270 ■ American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

What has been said about newspapers and magazines 
applies with equal force to early American statute law. 
Having had in preparati(Hi, for what is coming to seem 
a good many years, a collection of the English statutes 
relating to America, fortified with references intended 
to show the influence of tliose statutes on the laws of 
the colonies and states, I have had nmch occasion to 
feel the great lack of a comprehensive bibliogra])hy. 
The material is widely scattered, some of it is of exceed- 
ing rarity, the editions are rmmerous and confusing, and 
some of the bibliograjjhical problems intricate. Yet in 
scarcely any field to-day are more interesting and sub- 
stantial results to be had than in tlie field of American 
legal history. Whether the laws of the colonies be 
regarded as part of an English inheritance, or as a re- 
flection of social conditions, or as an effort to delimit or 
coerce a future social develo[)ment ;or, as in New England, 
when mingled with Calvinistic theology and the 
Pentateuch, as an heroic attempt to justify the ways of 
Cod to man, it is to the statutes that we must go if we 
would discover why many things were as they were. 
As a whole, this is a class of mateiial hitherto compara- 
tively little drawn upon, and often regarded as closed 
to any save the highly trained lawyer. There is here 
an op{)ortunity for a scholar, apt in bil)iiograpliy as 
well as competent in legal knowledge, to point out the 
extent and whereabouts of the few hundred volumes in 
which the history of American law and juris])rudence, 
as well as of our ])olitical institutions and ophiions, is 
in large part recorded; and thus to pave the way for a 
liistory of American law. 

A fourth desideratum is a bibliography of American 
travel. At Brown University we have for some years 
been buying all the books of this class that came in our 
way; and the collection, supplemented by those of the 
John Carter Brown Library and the Rhode Island 
Historical Society, may in time become tolerably com- 
plete. I could hardly mention a more interesting task 
than the prei)aration of such a bibliography would be. 



ion. 



Bibliographical Desiderata, 



271 



It has much of tlie fascination of discovery, not to speak 
of the perennial interest of learning what our neighbors 
and guests have thought about us. The bulk of such 
material of English and American origin is considerable, 
while the titles in French, German, and other languages 
run far into tlie himdreds. The German travel liter- 
ature is peculiai'ly rich and voluminous, paiticularly 
for the later eighte(;nth and earlier nineteenth centuries; 
and even a superficial acquaintance with it shows an 
extensive field of j-ecorded observation into which few 
historians have entered. The wide-spread interest in 
Europe, especially in Germany and France, from the 
years of the Revolution to 1850, in what was going on 
in America, and the influence of American ideas and 
achievements upon political, economic, and philosophical 
thought in Europe, is a subject which will some day hi; 
developed, and upon which the travel literature will 
throw indispensable light. Incidentally, the extent to 
which foreign observers, and, for that matter, American 
observers also, have borrowed from one another, or 
padded their pages with data whose printed source 
they failed to acknowledge, is historically worth knowing; 
as fully, for example, as we already know about Carver 
and Chateaubriand. 

Akin to the travel literature in importance, and his- 
torically best considered in connection with it, is the 
considerable amount of writing about America by Euro- 
peans who never visited it, but who derived their im- 
pressions of the country and its people from the travel 
narratives of their countrymen, or the ])ages of a few 
documents or early histories. If the often inaccuracy 
of this literature disposes one to think it of relatively 
small significance, we should remember that the historian 
has to deal witli ideas as well as with events; with popular 
impression as well as with demonstrable truth; and that 
in the field of international relations, as well as in those 
higher realms of learning and culture wliich ought to 
know no geographical boundaries, what America was 
supposed to be has often been quite as determining a 



272 Anierican Antiquarian ^Hocicty. [Oct., 

factor as any assured knowledge of what America ac- 
tually was. 

Less voluminous, but still ranging over pi'etty much 
the whole field of Ameiican history, and greatly needed 
by the student, would be a bibliograj)hy of town, city, 
and county histories, and of printed local records. In 
no class of historical material, perhaps, is there greater 
variation in quality, method, and permanent value. 
Many local histories are little moi-e than aggregations 
of material, thrown together with little skill or ijitelli- 
gence, the worlc of comijilers with more zeal than discern- 
ment; yet preserving in their ill-printed pages a price- 
less wealth of data, tradition, formal record, or docu- 
ments. Others, again, are the ripe work of mature and 
well-trained scholars, who for the \ove of history have 
told the story of their town or county in worthy literary 
form and scientific spirit. Not even the worst of them, 
I feel confident, can be neglected, or fails to include 
much that i)osterit3'^ ought to know. The work of the 
historian would be greatly facilitated by the publication 
of a complete list of such books, containing not only the 
usual bibhographical information, but also a critical 
analysis and ai)praisal; for in bibliogra])hy it is not 
enough to know what has been printeil; we want to know 
also whether or not it has been printed well, or is in 
truth what it purports to be. In the same class, of 
course, and properly to be included in the same exlnlfit; 
is the scanty list of printed local records. A colored 
map showing the towns, cities, and counties whose his- 
tories have been written or local r(;cords pul)lislied, 
would be very informing. 

On the subject of the Indians I have no special knowl- 
edge, but a comprehensive bibliography of works on that 
subject is a much-needed addition to our historical 
helps. The problem here seems to be mainly one of 
critical evaluation. Rather more, I venture to tliink, 
than in any other department, the scientific studies of 
recent years have rendered obsolete a considerable 
mass of earlier writing; and a further considerable (^uan- 



1911.1 



'■ BibKogra ph ica I Des idcni ta . 



273 



^ 



. 



tity, if not wholly obsolete, is no longer auttioritativo 
as a whole. A good deal of the newest and jnost rehahle 
data lias to be sought in relatively unfamiliar quarters, 
or in extended series of publications, like those of the 
B\n-eau of Ethnology or the Peabody Museum, which 
still lack comprehensive indexes; while another large 
portion must be sought in languages other than English. 
A critical biblicjgraphy of this important literature would 
seem to be a work well worth undertaking, and uii appro- 
priate one in the present state of knowledge of the sub- 
ject. 

I have left until the last two historical fields which, 
though of limited chronological extent, are seriously 
in need of bibhograjjliical ti-eatment. OiKi of these is 
the American Revolution. It is entirely natural that 
tlie years of our birth as a nation should retain for us 
perennial interest, and that the stream of publication 
should flow steadily on. The literature of the Ameiican 
Revolution is immense, and of the greatest variety; 
statutes, proclamations, judicial records, legislative 
journals and documents, town records, records (^f pro- 
vincial congresses, of committees of correspondence, of 
conmiittees of safety, newsj^apers, pamphlets, broail- 
sidcs, sermons, printed narratives, military and naval 
records, diplomatic correspondence, personal letters, 
diaries and autobiographies, and maps. Many impor- 
tant sources exist in a number of editions, varying 
apprecialil}^ in completeness, acciu'acy, or editorial meth- 
od; others still remain in thcij- (original issues, carefully 
housed in a few libraries, beyond the reach of the ma- 
jority of woi-kers. There is hardly any part of the fic^ld 
in which the study of new classes of material — sucli, 
for example, as newspapers or sermons — is not throwing 
new light on old topics, and changing correspondingly 
our opinions regarding them. Yet there is still a gi'eat 
deal that must be known before the true story of the 
American Revolution can be written. Such ai'e the 
state of public opinion before and during the war; the 
civil history of the States and local communities during 



274 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

the period of hostilities; and the economic conditions 
in the country throughout the period. Tlie material 
for the study (jf these questions exists in print, at least 
in quantity sufhcient to serve as a basis for conclusions 
and generalizations; but we need a bibliographer to 
make it available. In the correlation of the great masses 
of European documents which are now, thanks to the 
Bureau of Historical Research of the Carnegie Insti- 
tution, being industriously explored, with what is 
already accessible in this country, there is a work Avhich 
may well attract any scholar or learned society that 
cares for large things. With all the work that has been 
done upon it, the period grows upon oui' hands the more 
we study it. We are eager for every tool and implement 
that will help us to chg to the foundation of it, or take 
the measure of its every part, or view it from every 
possible angle. I have sometimes thought that if only 
I could understand why Washington and Franklin sided 
with the Revolution rather than with the mother coun- 
try, when they were free to take either course, I might 
with more confidence hope sometime to understand 
American history. 

The other field in which bibliographical guidance is 
greatly needed is the Civil War. Here again, as in the 
American Revolution, the material with which the 
historian must acquaint himself covers almost every 
form of printed record; but the bulk of the matei-ial 
far exceeds that relating to any other epoch. Besides 
the Federal and State governments, wliose official doc- 
umentary publicatiojis number thousands of volumes, 
and the military historians, who have ])oured out a 
torrent of i-egimental and other histories, tliere is also 
available a large literature of reminiscence antl biograi)hy. 
If one may judge by the current catalogues of second- 
hand collections and auction sales, there is still a rol:)Ust 
demand f(^r Civil War literature; while the olfeiings of 
the last two or three ycsars suggest that some pretty 
large acciunulations are being worked oif. I confess 
to a feeling that the value of much of this literature is 



1911. 



Bibliographical Desidera ta . 



275 



in inverse pr()i)ortion to its bulk; but whether that be 
ISO or not, there is great need of a critical guide to the 
thousands (^f volumes in which is recorded the liistory 
of our great civil struggle. Now that the war has be- 
come, for most of us, an histoi-ical fact rather than a 
personal experience, the task of critical api)raisal has 
been made easier, and libraries may buy with more 
discernment and assurance. 

It is always interesting to observe the channels in 
which, from generation to generation, the writing of a 
peoi)le's history seems successively to flow. The con- 
ception of histoi-y as a whole is, for most of us, too large 
and too vague; it is easier and more satisfying to single 
out the one or two asjjects of a great subject that most 
appeal to us, and to study and write about them. Thus, 
in American history oiu' historians have principally 
concerned themselves with ]K)litical and constitutional 
questions; with the addition, in New England, of eccles- 
iastical issues and controversies. So far as political 
development goes, that has been treated mainly on its 
national side ; and the great question of slavery has been 
handled most conmionly as a question of politics. With 
the excejition of early cartography, no otlier aspect of 
the subject seems to have engaged persistently the atten- 
tion of a considerable number of scholars, or been accept- 
ed by the schools and the j)ublic as the kind of history 
that ought to be written. 

Nevertheless, I think we are all coming to see that 
this limited concieption of the historical field needs to 
be much enlarged. Thanks largely to the leadership 
of Professor Tui-ner, the history of the West is beginning 
to be written, but a great deal more must be done in 
that direction before even the political side of our na- 
tional life will be fully understood. With the exception 
of national finance, our financial history as a whole has 
been little explored. We have no more than touched 
the fringes of our economic and social history, notwith- 
standing that economic influences have undoubtedly 
been very potent in shaping i)olitical and constitutional 



27() American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

issues. On the economic aspect of negro slavery we 
still need a great deal more light. We have hardly 
any first-rate state history, and very few good town or 
city histories; while as regards ecclesiastical history 
and legal history, those two domains have hardly been 
entered at all. The number of definitive biographies of 
American public men is very small, perhaps less than 
twenty-five. If one steps into the fascinating realm 
of what may be called the history of ideas, and seeks to 
kncnv the evolution of American culture or tlie place 
of the American mind in the world of thouglit, he must 
for the most part grope his way witliout guide or map. 
It should be a chastening reflection that the most search- 
ing and thoughtful book yet written on the American 
Revolution, the "Literary History" of Moses Coit 
Tyler, should still be almost the only representative 
of its class. 

All of this means, of course, that the study of American 
history is rapidly enlarging its scope, entering new fields 
as well as reworking old ones. ' The greatest obstacle, 
as I see it, is just now the lack of critical bibliography 
to show us exactly what our historical riches are, and 
where they are. With all the numerous agencies 
already at work, there are still important tasks waiting 
to be done. The larger ones, very likely, are necessarily 
co-operative in their nature; the lesser ones are well 
within the powers of individual workers. I venture 
to hope that in these important undertakings this 
Society may take a worthy share. 



1911. 



Early Spanish Rule in America. 



277 



A KINDLIER LIGHT ON EARLY SPANISH 
RULE IN AMERICA. 

BY EDWARD 11. THOMPSON. 



A Yucatan friend once said to me: "You Americans 
are not just to the early Spanish Government of the 
Americas. You still see the Spaniard through the early 
English spectacles, and for Spaniards those old Englisli 
lenses were ever out of focus, they could not give clear 
vision. " This friend was a travelled man, a student and 
a deep thinker. His remarks were always worthy of 
my attention, but I was especially struck with the possi- 
ble truth of this particular statement, and ever after- 
ward had it in mind when criticism more or less acrid 
was made of the early Spanish rule in the Americas. 

Looking at the matter calmly, impartially, as American 
Antiquarians should look at the facts of that period, 
ancient for the two nations named but prehistoric for 
ours, does not the statement of the Yucatan scholar 
strike in as a probable truth? Fundamental and proven 
facts are these, that at this period, 1550-81, England 
and Spain, when not in open warfare, were preying upon 
each other's commerce by a kind of more or less legalized 
piracy. Such conditions are not conducive to either 
brotherly love or impartial judgment between nations. 
We, as loyal legatees of English thoughts and feelings, 
naturally held to what we rightly came by, and so to us 
this period of early Spanish control in the Americas was, 
on the part of the Spanish Government, one of an over- 
whelming greed for gold only equalled by that of the 
individual Spaniards, while its lust for conquest and 
power was only equalled by the lust for converts and 



'^■' 



278 American Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

power on the part of the Spanish priests who were 
accustomed to inflict unspeakable torments on the un- 
happy natives of the conquered provinces, and tluis 
drive them with fear and trembhng into the doors and 
before the altars (jf tlie most holy Catholic Church. 

I have tried to put into this concrete form and few 
words the generally accepted belief as to the conduct 
of the Spanish Covermnent in these early times of 
America. Some months ago, while searching the early 
records of Yucatan for data of an entirely different theme, 
I came upon certain facts so clearly proving the truth 
of my friend's statement that I felt impelled, almost 
as a duty, to try and take the mattej- uj) when the time 
was ripe and the opportunity at hand. This now seems 
to be the accepted time. 

Before going into detail I must, for the better untler- 
standing of what is to follow, make clear the environ- 
ments of the times and circumstances. 

When the early Spaniards first sought to corujuer the 
Peninsula of Yucatan, they found themselves opposed 
by a dark-skinned people who fought in a disciplined 
way under able leaders. They defended their country 
so resolutely that the Spaniards were very glad to leave 
them alone for a while, and seek other fields to conquer 
where there was less fighting and more gold. Finally, 
these natives were overcome by the superior weapons 
and constantly increasing numbers of the invaders, 
and by the end of the year 1542 the whole region was 
practically a concjuered province of Spain, witlr Francisco 
de Montejo as Adalantado and Captain General. Fran- 
cisco de Montejo — father, son and nephew, all Fran- 
ciscos and all Montejos — tliought that, having conquered 
the countrj^ by the might of their own mailed fists, they 
and theirs could do as they willed so long as the royal 
tithes were paid. 

But this belief encountered the higher aims and 
humanitarian ideas of His Majesty in Spain and, per- 
sisted in, caused the valiant but somewhat obstinate and 
testy old warrior, Francisco de Montejo, father, sadly to 
meditate between bare walls and beliind iron bars. Long 



1911.1 



Early Spanish Rule in America. 



279 



■■' i 



^1 



l ! 



after the brave old Adalantado had been gatliered first 
to Spain and then to liis fathers, the belief that "the 
Yucatecos" were for the Spaniards prevailed, and to 
a certain extent held good by reason of the system of 
reparlimientos y encoiniendas. 

This ancient system of repartimientos y encomiendas 
has been the subject of much misap]n-ehension by modern 
historians and needs to be explained. When the 
people of the conquered provinces were apportioned out 
among the conquerors by the duly constituted authori- 
ties, the act was called that of the repartiinieiUos y en- 
comiendas, the distribution of the charges. Tliis act, 
while sometimes allied to, was by no means an integral 
part of, the granting of lands by Royal Cedula for no- 
torious services to the Crown, for while the royal 
grants were ad perpetuam, the rights given by the 
repartimientos were, to a certain extent temporal in 
their nature, rarely carrying over two lives or generations, 
and were, moreover, limited by certain wise restrictions. 
The natives upon these appointed lands were placed 
under the direct charge of the Conquistador to whom 
the land was apportioned, not as slaves, nor even as serv- 
ants, but rather as minors under the charge of a guardian 
or trustee. This was the encomienda, the charge, and 
made of the Conciuistador who received them an 
encomendero. The encumcndcro was to look after the 
general welfare of the natives confided to his care, he 
was to look to tlieir interests as a father looks to the 
interests of his children, admonishing, correcting, teach- 
ing. For this service each native head of family was 
required to furnish a certain equitable tithe of the pro- 
duce or the output of the region/ and by so doing repay 
the encornendero for his care and wise supervision. This 
was the law, the intent of the King, and was never lost 
to sight by the. Council of the Indias, who had the colo- 
nies under their supervision. 

Some of the encomenderos were in accord with the 
spirit and the letter of the law, but there were others 



' Hist, do Vucutttn, Molino, p. 13 



i^ 



.1 



280 American Anliquarian Society. [Oct., 

whose personal equations gave other results. They 
were always out for business, and that business was to 
make as much as possible, as quickly as possible, out of 
the resources at their command or under their control. 
Among these "resources" were too often counted the 
natives that were entrusted to their care and so, despite 
the law by which an Indian could not be made a slave, 
or held as a bond servant, abuses crept in, and thus the 
term. Encoviendero came to be often considered as 
synonymous with that of slave owner or master. 

On the other hand, the Spanish friars, while they 
retained a goodly portion of human frailties, did carry 
beneath the rough cassocks of their orders the true desii'e 
to serve the Indian, not only in his spiritual but temporal 
needs as well, and this desire sometimes intemperately 
expressed, though it led them at times into very uncom- 
fortable paths, was, in the main, consistently carried 
out, much to the disgust of the rough and sturdy Span- 
ish pioneers. C'ontrary to tlie general belief, the law 
did not allow the disciplinary methods of the Iiuiuisition 
to be applied to the Indian, and when Bishop De Landa, 
the author of the infamous burning of the Maya recorfls, 
did in his fiery zeal attempt to apply some of the methods 
of the Holy Ofhce to renegade natives, he barely escaped 
condign pmiishment himself. Priestly fanaticisms and 
worldly interests were ever battling, and between the 
two the Central Government was ever standing to pro- 
tect the defenceless Indian against the intemperate zeal 
of the one and the cupidity of the other. This for the 
times and the en vironn Lents, now for the incidents. 

Some time during the early part of 1552, I could not 
fix the date exactly, Thomas Lopez came to Yucatan 
with full power to correct abuses, and to see that tlie 
humanitarian ideas of His Majesty the King's decrees 
were duly enforced. Right well did he perform his task 
and carry out the true spirit of the law.^ He purged 
the local laws of grave errors that had crept in by cus- 
tom, establishing an equitable code of laws that should 



'Carina de Indius, p. 41. 



1911. 



Early Spanish Rule iii America. 



281 



' 



= J 



:^ 



govern as between the encovwiuicros and tlieir charges. 
He estabhshcd a system of practical self-government 
by the village natives in such matters as affected merely 
local affairs. He established a compulsory school sys- 
tem so efficient that at the end of the 16th century there 
was hardly a village in Yucatan without its })ublic school. 
He strictly forbade forcible conversion or baj)tism either 
of children or adult natives. They were to be carefully 
and faithfully instructed, and only when they themselves 
and of their own volition asked for baptism was it to 
bo given them. The prohibition of the enslaving of the 
natives was made expressly severe, declaring that before 
Jesus Christ and the law no Indian could be a slave,* 
and that, while the Indian could, if he so desired, become 
a servant or day laborer, it must be a matter of mutual 
arrangement between employer and employee, by which 
the latter would receive his just compensation. This 
was the law and this was what Thomas Lopez upheld. 
To see that these laws affecting the status of the natives 
were upheld hereafter, he created a new ofhcc, that of 
the Defensor of the Indians, whose duties were as 
indicated by the title. Thomas Lopez was clearly a 
true and faithful servant oi his King. 

The decade hand moves over the dial of the century. 
Carlos v., the Emperor of Castile and of the Indies, and 
Juana the Queen, have gone and Felipe II. is on the throne 
of Spain. Kings and Queens have passed away, but the 
ideals that they ui)held have remained unchanged. The 
date is now that of 1581, at the time when Guillen de 
las Casas was Governor of Yucatan, and one Pedro 
Gomez, the Royal Treasurer of the Province. History 
has dealt with Guillen de las Casas in letters so large 
that he who runs may read,' while the Royal Treasurer 
has been left in comparative obscurity. And yet, Pedro 
Gomez, Treasurer of His Majesty, Felipe II., in the Prov- 
ince of Yucatan, was a man of parts, a good steward 
looking keenly to the welfare of the royal income from 
his district. This the statistics indicate and his letters 



' Hiat. do Yucatan, Molino, p. 20. 

' Hint, do Yucatan, Molino. p. ISO. 



282 Avicrican Aiili(p.ianan Society. (Oct., 

to his royal master show. The Si:)aniards of those days 
were more independent and democratic than we are 
usually willing to believe, and some of their letters to 
their King, now on record in the archives, would surprise 
us even in these democratic days, but the letters of 
Pedro Gomez, Royal Treasurer in an humble Golonial 
province, surpass in their blunt directness all the others. 

I must explain now that which perhaps I should have 
stated before, that Yucatan is in great part arid, with- 
out either rivers or lakes on its limestone surface. Na- 
ture, who generally evens up things in her own cpiiet 
way, has ordained that in these modern days this arid 
portion of the Peninsula should be the section that gives 
prosperity to all the rest, for upon its rocky, sun-heated 
surface grows the Agave Sisalcnsis, from whose fleshy, 
thorn-pointed leaves is taken a hbre that gives an annual 
income of thirty million Mexican dollars to the people 
of the Peninsula. In the days of which this papei- 
treats, the nascent ])ossibilities of the fibre wei'e as yet 
unknown. While the trials and privations of those who 
were^ trying to wrest a living and. a fortune from the 
ungrateful soil were such that at two different times 
large numbers of the colonists were on tlie point of mi- 
grating to more fertile colonies in other regions, provi- 
dential discoveries of valuable natural resources were 
made that aroused their hopes and made theui dream of 
future prosperity, and thus kept them on the Peninsula. 
The first of these was the discovery of the dye wood, 
log wood, pah de tinto, while the second was the discovery 
of anil or indigo, furnishing indigo of a quality that was 
very much sought for in Spain and elsewhere. 

The first of these discoveries was that of the log wood 
and the results that flowed from its discovery and expor- 
tation surpassed all expectations. Prosperity was over 
the land and a goodly stream of much needed gold was 
flowing into the royal treasuiy therefrom, when suddenly 
came the royal decree for!)idding the log wood cutters 
and exporters to use the Indians in transporting the log 
wood from the swampy tracts of the cuttings to the 
dry lands and the store houses. "My native vassals 



lull.] Barly Spanish Rule in America. 283 

are men and not beasts of burden, and shall not be put 
to do the work of beasts," was the royal edict. 

A like edict was issued shortly after the discovery and 
the profitable exportation of the indigo, and then it was 
tliat the sturtly Pedro Gomez wrote the letter. I regret 
that I cannot at this distance from the original record 
give the exact wording of the text. But in it the worthy 
Treasurer ventured to ask the King if lie knew what he 
was doing when he sent out the decree, reminding him 
of the fact the Yucatan was such an arid region that life 
I there at the best was but a constant struggle, that many 

t had already emigrated to other and more fertile regions, 

t and that unless they could be allowed to cultivate and 

I exi)ort the few articles that tlie land could [jrofitably 

f produce, the chances were that the whole colony would 

I be depleted to the great loss of liis Majesty's treasury 

I income. 

I In due time, and with passionless measured words, 

I came back the roj'al answer, royally given: — "It having, 

come to the knowledge of His Majesty, the King, that 
f the making of indigo is not only contrary to the health 

I of his native subjects by the method of its making, but 

I also by reason of the flies and other insects that breed 

I in the putrefactions thereof, these native subjects of 

I mine cannot work, neither can they eat nor sleep in com- 

fort by reason thereof. The Royal Treasury does not 
care to thrive upon those things that imperil the health 
r and comfort of these, my subjects, who equal with you, 

i (Jentlemen of Spain, and ure my constant care and 

i thought. It is, therefore, hereby decreed that the work- 

j ing of the indigo herb, as it is now undertaken by the 

hand labor of my native subjects, is prohibited under the ■ 
law." 

Reduced to the last equation the result seems to be,— 
That the action and purpose of the early Spanish rule 
in the Americas was humane in spirit, high in ideal, and 
ever looking to the welfare of the defenceless natives. 
That such cruelties as are on record were the outcome 
of lawlessness and fanaticism and not the workings of 
the law. . 



284 Anierican Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 



ASIA AND AMERICA. 

An historical disquisition conceiining the ideas 
■ which foumer geographers had ahout 
the geographit^al relation and 

CONNECTION OF THE OlD AND 

New World. 
by johann georg kohl.' 



There are only two great fiivst-cluss islands on our 
globe: Asia (witli her appendages Africa and Europe) 
and America. 

Wliether these two large parts of our terrestial dry- 
land, the so-called Old and New Woi'ld, were connected 
with each other, and in what degree and numner they 
were connected, or if the}' were perfectly separated l^y 
water, has been since the time of Columbus a matter 
which has been investigated by numerous navigators, 
ex])lore]"s and geographers, and has been answered at 
different times very differently. 

The history of the various speculations and hyi^othe- 
ses on this geographical point, one of the most intercist- 
ing of its kind which the surface of our earth oilers, goes 

' ' Dr. Johnnn Georg Ivolil, one of the most It-arned cartographers of 

his day, came to this country from Germany in 1S51, bringuig \vith 
him a hirj;e colk'ctiun of ti'anscripls of early American maps, both man- 
uscript and printed, and a greater kiiowkidgc; of I'arly American geogra|)hy 
than was |)osses.sed by any .sch(jlar of his time. VVitii the aid of a govern- 
ment appropriation of |G,000, obtained in 185G, he prepared an elaborate 
catalogue of American maps, the cliief feature of which was a series of 
.' ■ finely executed hand-copies of the rare originals. After the financial 

panic of 1857, Dr. Kohl failed to obtain a further appropriation and 
retinned to Ciermany. He later became the librarian of the city library 
'<Si of Bremen, where he pursued his favorite studies in g(;ography and where 

'P • ■ he died, October 28, 1878. His collection of maps long rem;iined in the 

custody of the State De[)artinent, but was transferred to the Libr.iry 
\ > ■ of Congress in 1903. A full description of the collection was compiled 



1911.] 



Asia at id America . 



285 



i 



through the space of more than three centuries and it is 
not long since that we liave found a perfectly .satisfac- 
tory answer and that all doubts on it are removed. A 
thorougli history of these speculations and of all the 
sliajjcs and forms which they assumed, together with 
all the reports of discoverers and travc^llers who brought 
this question step by step nearer to its ultimate solution, 
would involve a great part of the whole history of the 
discovery of America. 

It is not my intention to attempt such a complete 
history. I will only try to give here a series of reduced 
copies of the original maps, on which geographers and 
explorers have laid down their hypothetical views or act- 
ual experience about this question, and to illustrate these 
maps by historical notes. I believe that in this manner 
and by this new method the question may be laid before 
the reader and may be conveyed to his mind and eye in 
the most striking, compendious and instructive manner. 

1. Old Maps before the Time of Columbus. 

If we at first inspect the old maps of the world which 
were made before the time of Columbus, we find that 



by Justin Winsor in 18S(i and publi.shcd as No. 19 of the Bibliographical 
Contributions of the liljrary of Harvard University. Tiii.s catalogue 
was rcitrinted, witli the addition of useful indexes, by the Library of 
(-'ongrcss in 1!)0-L 

Tlie nionogra|)h lierewiLli i)i-inted was undoubt<'diy written by J3r. 
Kohl iluring his stay in America, and was deposited with this Soci(;ty 
by Prof. Joseph Henry of the Smitiisonian Insritution. It aroused 
much interest among .such scholarly members of the Society as Cliarles 
Deane, Sanniel F. Jlaven amj Justin Winsor and the hope was fre(|uenrly 
espressed that the manuscript might be printed by the .Society with fae- 
similes of the maps included. By some it might be considered that the 
publication of the treatise at this late day is inadvisable because more 
recent discoveries along cartographical lines have rendered the memoir 
les.s useful. Ikit the contiiuial inquiries received legarding the manu- 
script and the fact that it contains certain maps reproduced in no other 
way except through Dr. Kohl's drawings, seem to justify its pre.-.ent 
printing. It has not been deemed necessary to double the size of the 
paper with explanatory notes, and for more or less elaborate treatises 
on the subject of the cartograjjliical history of the Pacific coast, the reader 
is referred to Winsor's "Narrative and Critical History of America," 
vol. 2, p. 431, and to PL IL Bancroft's "Northwest Coast," vol. 1. No 
alteration of Dr. Koiil's niaiuiscript has been made other than to correct 
the spelling and punctuation, and occiusionally to adapt his phraseology 
to the English idiom. 



k 



28G 



American Antiquarian Society. 



. [Oct., 



they all represent the mass of habitable dry-hmd whicli 
they pretend to know, as an idand. On nearly all of 
them, whether made Ijy Greeks, Italians, Arabians or 
Persians, a great water, the Ocean, surrounds the whole 
old Continent Europe, Africa and Asia everywhere. 
The dry-land is nowhere without end, nowhere connected 
with boundless anknovvu regions. It is everywhere 
conlijied, and only the water is witliout limits. 




1 g\. ..-i~y-. 










J- 



< xu v/ t/ut 



j&L 



M-4 6' 



Map No. 1 



We find the same idea again in tlje cosmograpliical 
traditions of the Indians, who in comparing it to a lotus- 
flower with leaves swiuiininR' on the water, make the 
dry-land to be an island. This is a very curious and 
remarkable fact, and we may well question if the old 
nations could arrive at such a uniform and true view only 
by chance or mere speculation, or if they adopted it 
from actual experience. Perhaps the whole bod}"^ of 
the Asiatic population was pervaded by old traditions 
and rei^orts, which were handed down from one nation 



1911.] 



Asia and A 7n erica. 



287 



I •? 



•• } 



to the other, from the inhabitants of the noi-thern sliore 
to those of the central and the southern parts, and which 
flowed from the inhabitants of the southern coasts back 
to those of the north, so that by the llux and reflux of 
these reports, about the water in every direction, a 
conviction of the insularity of the old world and of the 
existence of an everywhere circulating ocean was created 
throughout the whole body of the wise men of all the 
nations. 

It appears that in a like manner among the old popu- 
lation of the second great island, America, a similar 
conviction to a certain degree has existed, with respect 
to their part of the world. Also the old cosmography 
of many Indian tribes of America, if not of all, represents 
the inhabited world (America) as engendered from the 
water and as existing in the midst of the water. Mena- 
boshu or some other mythic creator threw the inspired 
sands upon the water and prepared from them the earth, 
which grew out under his fingers with its peninsulas 
and headlands over the surface of the water. 

Our first explorers and pioneers did not come, either 
in South or in North Amej-ica, to any part so distant 
and so central, where they did not hear the people speak 
of great salt-waters in all directions, and where they did 
not find oceanic shells or some other salt-water produc- 
tion, which might be considered as a proof that mutual 
intercourse and commerce had brought with these pro- 
ductions also the report of an all circulating ocean. 
Even the Chippeways and Sioux, who live at the head- 
waters of the Mississippi in a nearly equal distance from 
the Atlantic and Pacific in the east and west, and from 
the Arctic and Mexican Sea in the north and south, 
think that the sun rises from a great water and sinks also 
down in the ocean ; they designate America as surrounded 
by water, and speak of it in their mythical traditions 
as an island. 

From this it seems that a certain conviction of the 
insularity of Asia as well as of America, and of a bound- 
less ocean, has existed among the traditions of the human 



^ 



288 Avicrican Antiquarian Sociidy. [Oct., 

race since the most ancient times. But this old vener- 
able traditionary view can scarcely be c;dled a geographi- 
cal conviction. It was too vague, and tlie authorities 
ui)on which it rested could not be produced. And 
because; the i)opulation, the life and soul of the two great 
parts of the world, did not come in conttict with each 
otlier, and existed isolated from each other, tliat view 
helped in no way to throw light ui)on tlie rdaiive position 
of tliose t^^'0 worlds, islands to each other, upon their 
true configuration, and upon the exact circumstances of 
the manner and whereabouts of their approach. The 
more exact geographical history of this (juestion could 
not begin before the European navigation and civiliza- 
tion commenced to throw its chain round the whole 
globe. 

2. Time of Behaim. 

That the world was a globe had been thought and 
proved already by the ancient Greek philoso])hers. In 
the middle ages many doubted this theory again. Some 
believed tliat the world had the figure of a high mountain. 
Others made it to be a flat square or gave to it an oval 
shape. But many enlightened mathematicians — for 
instance those distinguished amongst the Ai'abs — 
adhered to the old true theory of the Greeks. The 
Arabians had executed even some good measurements 
of a degree and had tried to calculate the size and extent 
of the terrestrial globe, and had arrived at a result which 
was not very far from truth. 

Towards the time where the great exploring activity 
of the Portuguese and Spaniards developed itself, it 
was by the well instructed cosmographers pretty gener- 
ally admitted, that the world was a globe of not very 
great dimensions, and that therefore Asia must bend 
round this globe and must with its eastern end approach 
again somewhere to the western coasts of Europe and 
Africa. The question was only how far Asia stretched 
eastward and how long the distance was between it and 
Europe across the imknown waters. . 



1011.] ■ ■ Asia and America. 2,S9 



The great authority and oracle on this point was the 
most celebrated traveller of the fourteenth centiny, 
Marco Polo, who had been to China and to coasts of the 
Eastern Ocean. He had informed the world that in 
this Ocean east of Asia was situated a large rich island, 
called Zipangu (our Japan) and besides this many hun- 
dred smaller islands. Likewise on the side of Europe 
the navigators and discoverers of the Canary Islands 
and the Azores had created a belief, that there might 
be still more islands towards the West, amongst which 
was named a (certain island of the Holy Brandan and 
another larger island, which was called Antilia. 

But of all these islands, with which from both sides 
the void space between Eastern Asia and Western 
Europe was filled, none was considered to be more worth 
exploring than that of Zipangu, described by Marco Polo 
as the residence of an Emperor, and rich in gold, silver 
[ and many other precious ])j-oducts. 

I This geography was laid down on many maps of the 

I time immediately before Columbus. Columbus him- 

f self, his friend the Italian astronomer Toscanelli, the 

famous German cosmographer and traveller Behaim, 
f constructed such maps, on which Africa was depicted 

I after the latest Portuguese exi)lorations. East India 

( after the old map which was made one thousand years 

[ ago for Ptolemy, and the coast of Eastern Asia with Jap- 

an and his many hundred islands after the reports of 
Marco Polo. Asia was so far stretched out to the east, 
that its most eastern capt;s advanced towards Africa and 
Europe to about the distance of 100 degrees of longitude, 
and Zipangu, or Japan, remained to the west of Europe 
only for about a quarter of the whole circumference of 
the globe. The western islands of the Azores, Canaries, 
Antilia, St. Brandan formed as it were chains or bridges, 
conducting to Japan. 

From all these general maps of the world, which rep- 
resent the ideas of that time, not a single one has been 
preserved to us, except that which Martin Beliaim laid 
i down on his celebrated Cdobe in Nuremberg in the year 



I 



290 



American Antiquarian Socirty. 



[Oct., 



1492, and of which we present here to the reader tlie 
principal features in a reduced copy. 

Similar maps, Hke this, Columbus had on board his 
vessel, when he sailed over the Ocean towards the west. 
His voyage was called an expedition to Zipangu (Japan) 
and China. Columbus called it so himself and he 
thought that he had found some of those islands, which 
we see on our map to the south and east of Japan. He 



~s^jyt'tSr->riir~-K^ 










fi/uzi/rrc ■^y/^9^ 



Map No. 2 



thought that he was in the midst of the Asiatic islands 
of the Indian Archipelago, And when on his third 
and fourth voyage he reached the coast of the continent 
of South and Central America he thought himself to be 
on the back side (or the eastern coast) of that long large 
country' or peninsula, which on our map is called "India" 
and stretches out from C'hina far towards the south. 
He looked for a passage or channel through this penin- 
sula to arrive to the Sinus Magnus (the Chinese Sea) 
and to the Ganges. Columbus died with the conviction 



191 



Asia and Arnerica. 



291 



that he had been among the islands of the Indian Archi- 
pelago south of Japan and on the eastern coast of Asia. 

3. Soon ai^'Ter Columbus. 

Wlien Columbus and his contemporaries had traced 
a great part of the northern and eastern coasts of South 
America, and when the small distances of these new coun- 
tries from Europe and Africa became better known, sub- 
secjuent cartographers could not believe that the whole 
continent of Asia reached so far round the world without 
interruption. By measuring the distances of Asia from 
the Mediterranean and Egypt and other known longi- 
tudes of the west, as given by Ptolemy, Marco Polo, 
etc., they arrived at the conviction that Columbus and 
his new islands must be something separate from Asia, 
and that they must lie still a good way in advance from 
Asia, particularly that great southern iKsland, called 
"Terra Sancta; Crucis" (the Country of the Holy Cross) 
that is to say our South America. The magnitude of 
this countiy, to which the first great exploring expedi- 
tions were directed, was first well understood, and was 
therefore also first as it were detached and separated 
from Asia, and first called a New World (NovusMundus). 

North America, to which l)esides the Cortereals and 
Cabots and Ponce de Leon not many others at once did 
sail, became only known in detached jiieces. And these 
detached pieces were either believed to be separate is- 
lands or peninsulas of the north of Asia, which was pro- 
longed towards the west much more than southern Asia. 
The generality of the maps, which were made and pub- 
lished soon after Columbus therefore show us the ocean 
between eastern Asia and western Europe filled with a 
number of large and small islands. Some of them are 
the old islands, mentioned by Marco Polo (Zipangu, 
etc.), others are the new ones added by Columbus and 
his companions, "Isabella" (Cuba), "Spagnuola" 
(Haiti), "Terra de Cuba" (North iVmerica), "Terra 
Sanctai Crucis" (South Ameirca), etc. This latter is 
always by far the most extensive of all. 



4 



292 



American Antiquarian Socieli/. 



fOct., 



I produce here redueed copies of lliree oC this class of 
maps. 

The first (No. 3) is a co])y of a, vei-y famous map made 
by the German geographer, Ruysch, and published in 
the year 1508 in the Roman edition of Ptolemaeus. 
The principal featiu-es of this map are the following. 
South America (Terra Sanctaj Crucis) appears on it 
as a detached piece of country, of whi(!h the southern and 




f^'-fhnt ,cx.rrLaA. 



xn.' .-^J C'>{x. 



'mxi 



\i 0-r/i <j 



/;7crs 



Mai- No. 3 



western coasts are said to be unknown. Spagnola 
(Ilayti) is only 10 degrees to the east from that place, 
where Martin Behaim on his maj) of 1492 had put down 
his Japan, and the author of the map re({uests the reader 
not to be astonislicd at not finding on the map a Japan 
at all, because this Spagnola of the Spaniards was, so he 
says, this very same Ja]:)an of Marco Polo itself. Culoa 
appears to tlie west of Spagnola as the beginning of a 
large piece of country, of which the west and north is 
said to be unknown. The breadth of the ocean between 



1911. 



Asia and America. 



293 



America and Asia (the Pacific) is still very small, in 
the south about 50 degrees of longitude and in the north 
not even twenty. The more Arctic countries "Terra 
Nova" (Newfoundland) and "Gruenlant" (Greenland) 
are at last perfectly melted together with Asia and ap- 
pear as north-eastern peninsulas of the Old World. 



..,^~^' 




J 



C: 



Stf-' 



4c'- 






"5 
V ; n — v'-^^ — t*-^-"^ "^"^^ ^j— f. ^^ '^ 



■jCfM 







^ AM ERICA 






•<^«l^^yc„^/ 



c:c^" 



Mai- No. 4 

The second little picture (No. 4) is a reduced copy of 
a map contained on the well-known globes of Joh. 
Schoner of the year 1520. South America appears 
upon it as a large island, which ends in about 50° S. L. 
with a pointed peninsula. The island of North America 
is somewhat larger than on the Ruysch map. But the 
ways and navigation round it to Japan and China are 



294 



Arnericari Antiquarian Society. 



(Oct.. 



still open on all Hides. Zipangu is situated only a few 
degrees of longitude to the west of it. Tlie Pacilic 
between North America and Eastern Asia has a breadth 
of 30 degrees, or about 400 leagues. The regions of 



"CToTT 




iJ'-Zo 











Ml ' ^1 1^ 



% 



Labrador and Canada, the Land of Cortereal (Terra 
Corterealis), form a large round island and the North 
Pole is again surrounded by an insular country. 

No. 5 is a copy of a map made in the year 1528 by a 
Venetian geographer, Pietro Coppo. It has upon the 



1011.] Asia and A7ncrica. 295 

j; I " 

whole the same features as tlie preceding and combines 

in a similar manner the geography of Ptolemy for the 

Indian Ocean, that of Marco Polo for eastern Asia, and 

what we might call the geography of Columbus for 

f 1 ■ the new countries. The whole of America is dissolved 

in islands, of which the largest is South America, called 

"Mundo Nuovo" (the New World). That piece of 

country, which represents the island of Cuba and North 

America, is called "Cuba." The large island, which 

Coppo names "Isola verde" (green island) is probably 

the "Cortereals Land" of Schoner's map. About 00 

degrees to tlie west of this group of American islands 

appears the coast of eastern Asia and Japan, surrounded 

by its archipelago of numerous islands as described by 

Marco Polo. 



( 



1^^' 



4. Maps of South America after Magellan, 
Cortes and Pizarro. 

The idea that South America was a great peninsula 
of Asia, similar to tliat long peninsula appendix which 
could be seen stretching to the south on all the ancient 
maps after Ptolemy, was first given up, particularly after 
the cojiquests and voyages of Magellan and Pizarro 
and their contemporaries, that is to say after 1533. By 
them the whole circumnavigation of South America 
was completed, and Magellan showed by what a broad 
ocean South America was divided from Asia. The same 
tiling at the same time was proved by the Portuguese 
conquerors, who pushed their explorations to China 
and the Molucca-islands, and by setting the geograph- 
ical longitude of these countries, showed how far these 
regions remained back to the west. 

There are still, it is true, even after 1530 to be found 
some maps of South America on which some Asiatic 
reminiscences may be discovered. I could for instance 
produce some upon which we find the famous East India 
trading emporium Cattigara, of which Ptolemy speaks 
and which he calls a great trading station of the Chinese^ 
Ptolemy had put down this "Cattigara" on the west 



■^.. 



•296 American Aniiquarnm Sociciy. [Oct., 

coast of his hirgc southeastern penmsula of India. The 
modern mapmakers, wlio beheved tluit C/Okiiubus had 
discovered this peninsula on the east side and that it 
was the same with his country of "t'aria," ]nit there- 
fore that Chinese city on the coast of CMiile or Peru. 
But these were only excerptions or a few reuiaiiis of the 
old erroneous views. And upon the whole, there was 
now no more doubt that South America formed a widely 
separated and isolated world for itself. It was genc'i-ally 
called "Moudo Nuovo" or "Western India" or also 
"America," names which were exclusively given to it 
and seldom apjjlied also to North America. 

After 1530 we may therefore in the disquisition which 
occupies us here, give up Siaith America and its ma|)s 
altogetlier and turn our attention exclusively t(j ISIorth 
America, of which it remained for a much longer simce 
of time doubtful if it formed a part of Asia or not. 

5. Maps of Noirm America soon after CoR'rEs. 

Cortes and his companions entered Alexico with ideas 
more or less similar to those with which Columbus and 
his contemporaries had entered tlie archipelago of the 
Antilles, that is to say, with the exi)ectati()n of finding 
Asiatic kingdoms and nations. When Cortes set out 
for his discoveries on the Pacific lie hoped soon to reach 
Japan, whit^h lu; thought to be near. When his succes- 
sors arrived on tlu; shores of Upper California, or what 
they called Quivira, they reported to have seen richly 
laden Chinese vessels. 

Many geographers after Cortes accordingly painted 
North America, of which only the eastern coast had 
become known, as connected cm a broad basis with North- 
ern Asia. They represented on their maps Mexico and 
other American places, as Asiatic cities, and adorned 
them with mosques, minarets, temples and cupolas. 
They gave to the Rio Colorado its heads and sources 
in northern Asia. They laid down the famous province 
"Mangi" of China as bordering on Mexico. Wlien they 
heard of the wild buffaloes of the western pj-airies, they 



1911. 



Asia and A fu erica. 



297 



( ' 



I: : 



Is 






ll 



thought theiri the herds of the Nomadic tribes of Asia, 
and put down on their maps in tJie western regions, wliicli 
they called Cibohi, inscriptions like tiie following: 
"ll(!re the people live like the Tartars and raise large 
droves of cattle." 

Nay some seem to have made advance'^ China and the 
Asiatic elements, with which their North American maps 
for saying so were impregnated as far as the Mississippi. 



'a.r^ c<...i-cii:ilf 







'^Gtd V' 



.sr^ ram it:^77_>Mnujcrtfi t^(^^^^ 



Mai' No. 



In the British Mus(;iun is preservetl a Spanish map of 
the year 15G0, on which the portrait of a true Chinese 
with a blue caftan, a red painted bonnet and yellow 
silken stockings is posted in the centre of the Mississipi)i 
valley, and near him an elepliant grazing. , 

The maps of the middle of the IGth centur3', which 
have adopted tliis view of a connection between Asia 
and America on a broad scale, are very numeious. We 



■'The word "uclvunce" should appureutly follow "impregnuted" iKd.). •. 



298 



American AiUiqvnrian Society. 



[Oct., 



find them among the French maps as well as among 
tlic Italian, German and English. They are scattered in 
the editions of Ptolemaeus, in Grynaeus and other books. 

For the sake of illustration I have chosen among tliem 
and reproduced in small copies three of this class. 

No; 6 is the oldest among them. It is probably of 
the year 1530, that is to say soon after Cortes' conquest 
of Mexico. It is contained in an old manuscript pre- 



rJ^:-'-<-CJ^ 







6 o/.Jyiuicf^& /&4-4^, 



Mai' No. 7 



served in the British Museum. It may illustrate in 
a certain manner the ideas and expectations which 
Cortes had, when he set out from the western coasts 
of Mexico for the discovery and conquest of California. 
The name of the Chinese ])rovince, Mangi, is near to 
Temixtitian (Mexico) and the countries towards the 
west of the Mexican Gulf are called "India Superior" 
(Upper India), (!hina and Thibet. The rest of eastern 
Asia is not far distant and Ciilolo, Java and the Moluccas 



1911. 



Asid and Anurica. 



290 



are a few cfegrees distant from the Mexican coast, whicli 
is brought down as far south as the equator. 

No. 7 is of a httle later date and though somewhat 
improved it shows features upon the whole similar to 
those of No. 6. It is from a map of the world, called 
"Carta Marina Nuova" {A new marine chart), and 
contained in the edition of Ptolemy of the Italian Rus- 
celli. Also on this map the union between North 










^A)^ 



iXQOolcf 






Map No. 8 

Amei'ica and Asia is on such a broad scale that both may- 
be called one. The names Mangi, India Superior and 
China are placed at a distance from Mexico, which 
is somewhat greater than on the former map, but they 
are still near. The North Pacific is very narrow and 
has its northern end a little beyond the Tropic of Can- 
cer while on No. 6 it was already closed south of this 
circle. Gilolo and the Maluccos are at no great dis- 
tance from the coast of Mexico, though this has received 
a truer latitude. 



300 AmcHcan Anliqunrian Socich/. [Of,(.., 

Ruscelli liad moreover the idea lliat Nortli America 
also in tlie east was connected through Clreenland and 
Scan(Hnavia l)y a continental l)ridge or istlaiairs with 
Europe. And his map, which is in this res])ect unique 
in the history of chartography, sliows the whole (hy-land 
of the globe in one unbroken continental piece. 

No. 8 is taken fi'om a general map of America l)y the 
well-known itahan geogi-apher Paulo de Furlani, ^vlH) 
made it in tlie 3^ear 15G0. Thftugh on this map the 
northern Pacific is extended to the north as high as 
nearly 40° N. L., yet the union between North ^Vmei'lca 
and Asia is still on a very broad Ijasis. Cimpaga (Japan) 
is at a distance of about 20 degrees longitude from 
California. "Quisai," the famous port of China, Tebet 
and other Asiatic names are still very near. The rivers 
of the Californian Gulf, the mouth of wliich had bciiu 
discovered by the Spaniards twenty yeai's before, has its 
sources and headwaters in the interior of Asia and flows 
round tlie whole northeiii Pacific. 

6. Maps of the Middle and End oi' the IGtii 
Centurv with the Strait oI'^ Anian. 

Though the views on tlie geogra]>hic:il point in ques- 
tion were veiy conmion in the period after (!ortes, still 
they were not genei-ally adopted. There were ahvays 
many navigators, geographers and mapmakers, who 
believed in the existence of ojjen water or a strait Ijetween 
Am(>i'ica and Asia. There was a report curjent, which 
found more or less credit, that Cortereal had already in 
the year 1500 entered a Strait in about OO'^ N. L., and 
that he liad called this strait al'ter one of his lu'others 
"the Strait of Anian." According to this tradition 
there was open water to the nortli of America and then 
in the west again a narrow channel between Asia and 
America, which was likewise called the "Str^dt of Anian." 
This name, of whicli the origin after Humboldt''' is quite 



»See hia Crit. KuBearclics, Germ. Edit., Burlin, 1852, 1; 477. 



1911.] 



Asid and A'tncrica. 



301 



>. 



l. 



i 



uncertain, was at last exclusively applied to tlie western 
strait, supposed to be between Asia and xVmerica. 

Though the history of this geographical supposition 
reaches nuicli higlier up, still the belief in it became more 
or less general not befoi'c the middle of the IGth century, 
and the first maps on wliich the Strait of Anian was 
actually laid down are those of the Italian Geographer 




— _. 

-ilare Se/i/tutriorboUe (\ ^ ^ 



Qu.^LUr,\l>,^^ 






\(^ O-V'-'"' <^^lf^</ 



K,/- p 




Mare Al Sur t> "^^ I ^i 



.Jiri 



^?^^ 



cyjrL ^<x /n a/i a/ .^ J^'a^lcAl /JOG. 



A'Iai- No. !) 

Zaltieri of the j^ear 15(10 and of the Gerjnan Oitelius 
of the year 1570. 

On innumerable ma])s of this time tlie general fea- 
tures of the configiu-ation given to north-eastcu'u Asia 
and north-western America are the following: Asia 
approaches to America with China, with Taitary with 
the whole broad mass of its body. And America steps 
forward to the west likewise with a broad mass of its 
body, with California and Mexico. A more or less 



302 



American Antiquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



narrow channel, the "Strait of Anian," divides them 
in about the hiLitude of 50 degrees N. Before the soutli- 
ern jnouth of this channel, in a pretty equ;d distance 
from Asia and America, is situated the island of Japan. 

It would be impossible and useless to copy and com- 
municate here all the maps which have adopted and 
reproduced this view. 

1 will give only the following two: ■ 



Jlcue. rru-oi/zuUrj 




/ Of into cU ^ 



./lA-" 






\ V 








a.^5 






\ V-l/ 







^^^ 

^-^(''■/U^)?-/. 



, CI '-ma/v 



sLM. 



Y./a 



/fr/y/.. 



Map No. 10 

No. 9 is the oldest map of this class which I could find. 
It is made by Bolognino Zaltieri in the year 15GG. It 
has unhappily no indication of longitude and latitude. 
But the Strait of Anian has about the latitude of New- 
foundland (Baccalaos). The northern Pacific is called 
with the Asiatic names: "Mare di Mangi" and "Chin- 
an Golfo." 

No. 10 shows the division of the two continents in a 
similar way. It is a part of a map which the geographer 
Paulo de Furlani published, and whicli he is said to have 



1911. 



Asia and Arnericn. 



Y. ■ 



]r 



■ ■ 



303 



received in the year 1574 from a Spanish nol)lenian, 
Don Diego Hermano de Toledo. Though the map has 
not indicated the latitudes, it is evident froin other 
circiniLstances that the Strait of Anian is put down in 
about 50° N. L. North-eastern Asia is called "Anian 
Regnuni" (the Kingdom of Anian) and north-western 
America "Quivuii. " Though so far as we know no 






. t^iJPolcai 2Sa^nttis 

























"Zr-^ -^^vrj.^ 






NORTH-WESTERM AMERICA byC.^JUDAEIS isti^. 

MaI' No. U 

explorer at this time had yet passed Bering's Strait, 
still the configuration of the coasts of the two conti- 
nents, the Strait of Anian, the Gulf of Anian, full of 
islands, as represented on our map, resemble in a strik- 
ing degree the real and true configuration of Bering's 
waters and his islands. If it is a mere chance, it is a 
very curious instance how mere chance can foreshadow 
as it were and hit the truth. 

No. 11 is a somewhat similar map of this class by 
Cornelius de Judaeis. 



304 



American Antiquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



No. 12 is a copy of the map on which Martin Frobisher 
sketched liis views about this point, and on which he, 
showed in wliat manner the Strait discovered and named 
by him might be combined witli the Strait of Anian and 
conduct to China. This n)ap was pubHshed in the work: 
"A true discourse of the kite voyages of discovery for 
the finding of a passage to Cathay," London, 1578. 

On the maps of Peter Apian, of Ortehus, of Sebastian 





^,^^,,:::::rn 


y^ y 


'oQ/ ^ _^^-"t!^'^S'--. 


/\ 


,y' ; -.V^ija //vc'oynL'ca." 


/ ^^<t^AAUX \ . 


-^fodi^A-erj Strcuj^cct ''"'-. ,•■-"•----■' 


/ *'i- Jjia. .'.J^ 


.— ■-, \ i>u^aZ^,^ 


/ ■ i 




/-■-■-. .-vi'- 

/ ••-■■ s^ '■ 






':■■■■-.''..! JtaruiCcs of \ 








^^A<A 


^y^c^d^dA^^. /J/cT 



Mai> No. 12 

Miinster, of J. Martines, of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
which I will content myself to name only, we find similar 
views adopted, though they sometimes vary with respect 
to the latitude and dimensions given to tlie Strait, and 
with respect to tlie adopted configuration of the coast. 

7. Maps of the 16th Century on wmcH the 
Question is Left Undecided. 

After our above remarks, we may state that there 
were among the geographers two contending parties 



191 1. 



Asia and America. 



305 



with respect to our question, one which believed in a 
separating strait and one wliich rejected the strait and 
beheved that everything to the north of the Pacific 




was barricaded by dry-land, and tliat this latter party 
may be considered to have j^receded the first, but that 
the first pretty generally gained ground at the end of the 
century. We must add that there was also a neutral 
party, which adopted neither the one nor the other view, 



300 



Amerkan Antiquarian Suciciy. 



[Oct.. 



which depicted on their maps the countries only as far 
as they were actually discovered and which laid down 
upon theni no hypothetical straits or dry-lauds. It 
may suffice here to give a few instanc(!s of the produc- 
tions of such cautious men, which we hnd, of course, at 
all times. 

No. 13 shows our regions as they are represented on a 
map of the Italian Bai)tista Agnese of the year 1536. 




r 



..J 



Chirux. 



i 



-^Vra^ 



V; 



t f^^ \ jV'ti^ lu 



Od, 



Yyryijjx) A Ouicc r 






2Js/uXn.i 



O ^ o <p 






b 






) 






'■TA<.>^rj-(- ,'J,y/i.^/'<iYLC. /OC^O 



Map Nd. 14 

"Cataio, " that is northern China, is hmited by a dotted 
coast-line, which is jirett}'^ much rounded off. We dare 
say that this coast-line of Agnese shows tlie state of 
knowledge of the Chinese coast acquired at that time 
in a much truer manner than all the accurately drawn 
coast-lines of other map-makers with capes and names 
upon them, derived from Pliny and Ptolemy. 1'he 
same we may say of the dotted and uncertain coast-line 
which x\gncse gives to north-western America. 



1911.] Asia and Anurrica. 307 

No. 14 is a reduced copy from the map of the Spanish 
historian Herreia, made at the end of tlie IGth century. 
At this time the Portuguese had aheady reached Japan 
and found out its true position, and Spanisli as well as 
l''j)ghsh navigators (Cabrillo, Drake) liad akeady traced 
the coast of north-western i\jnerica beyond 44° N. L. 
Drake and liis countrymen thought that from here the 
coast ran back towards the east and so Ilerrera seems 
also to beheve it. 

Diego Homem, a famous Portugiiese geographer, has 
represented on his numerous maps the rekitive position 
of America and Asia in quite a similar manner as we see 
it here done by Agnese and Herrera. And so it has been 
done by Mohneaux, by Michael Lok, by Oliva, by Ces- 
pedes and many others. 

8. Maps after Hudson's Time. 

When Henry Hudson, in the year 1610, entered his 
Strait and the unknown waters to the west of it, he 
believed tliat he was circumnavigating America. He_ 
thought that the countries to his right hand were a 
part of Asia, stretching out far to the east, and wlien he 
sailed down on the western-coast of Labrador to the 
south, where he was caught in a Bay, he thought that 
he was on his best way to California to the t)[)en Pacific 
and China. Even after him for a long time it was hoped 
that Hudson's Bay might have an outlet to the west and 
a communication with the Pacific, whicli made an end 
to the Continent of America. 

The map-makers and geographers who cherished this 
hope, represented, therefore, some part or inlet of Hud- 
son's Bay, not quite satisfactorily explored, as open and 
as possibly leading out to the west. They conducted 
in the same time the north-west coast of America not 
higher to the north than towards the 45° N. L., to which 
point in tlie IGth century Cabrillo and Drake, and at 
the beginning of the 17th century, Vizcayno had explored 
it. There they made the coast turn round to the east 
and represented an open space, through which as they 



308 



American Antiquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



hoped the waters of Hudson's Bay would be found run- 
ning. A map of this kind (No. 15) is tluit of Master 
Briggs, which Purchas has inserted in the third volume 
of his great work in the year 1625, and of a part of which 
our accompanying sketch gives a reduced copy. On 
this map we see many western inlets of Hudson's Bay 
as leaving still a hope foi' a passage, and the coasts of 







'' P% \.m ^-';I,:^..A^.^..,... 




r^y■c^^.^' Mir/a.i /6^f^. 



Map Nu. 15 

California, which end in 44° N. L., seem to be prepared 
to receive this passage. A design of the north-western 
part of America is not attempted at all, and the author 
of the map seems to be uncertain if there is water, or 
dry-land, and if these regions belong to America or 
Asia. 

On other bolder maps, for instance on one of Canada 
printed in the year 1677 in Paris, the whole large broad 
channel, which was represented to come out from Hud- 
son's Bay, is actually laid down, and even the route of 



j 1911.] Asia and America. 309 

I 

i a vessel is traced through it and tlic inscription added 

,' ".that in the year 16G5 a vessel sailed this way round 

I America to Japan." 

I The old idea of the Strait of Anian to the north of 

I Japan was now either totally abandoned or at least that 

|. Strait of Anian, which divided Asia and America, was 

j now displaced and was put down immediately north of 

j California, wliere it was supposed to enter the Pacific 

i in the direction from Hudson's Bay. This supptxsition 

j we find depicted on many maps of the time, especially 

I on Dutch maps. 

I 

i 9. Maps after the Dutch Explorations to the 

I North of Japan. 

j During the same time when these hopes of an outlet 

from Hudson's Bay were pretty generally entertained, 

■ the Dutch had succeeded the Portuguese in China and 

' Japan. Their predecessors, the Portuguese, had never 

i pushed their explorations beyond Ja]mn towards the 

northern Pacific. But a Dutch vessel called the Cas- 

tricom reached in the year 1643 the island of Yesso to 

the north of Japan and discovered a strait between this 

island and the neighbouring islands, which was named 

the "Strait de Vries." 

The island of Yesso is pretty large, but the Dutch, 
who sailed along its coasts and probably also along the 
coasts of some of the islands near to it, which they took all 
to be one, and tlie same continental land, made it still 
much greater than it really was. They believed it to 
be the beginning of a large new land, which was stretch- 
ing far to the north and to the east. Because the acci- 
dental discovery of the vessel Castricom was not farther 
pursued, that island of Yesso was delivered for saying 
so in an unfinished state to the imagination and specu- 
lation of the geographers and map-makers and they did 
their best with it. They blew it up to a great continent 
intermediate between Asia and America and some of 
them filled with the so-called "terra de Yesso" the whole 
northern Pacific. 



310 



Avicrican Anliquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



According to this view tlie continei\t of Asia ended 
towards the east with the Strait de Vries, which con- 
ducted between Asia and the "terra de Yesso" to the 
northern ocean. The continent of America ended with 
Upper CaUfornia and the southern coast of Hudson's 
Bay, and was sejjarated from the country of Yesso by 
the Strait of Anian, which was consitlcied to be a branch 
of Hudson's Bay. All tlie real and supposed dry-land 




Map No. 10 

between Hudson's and Baffin's Bay and the Strait of 
Anian in tlie west and between Strait de Vries and Asia 
in the west was ascribed to a new created continent 
called "Yesso." These ideas prevailed partly through 
the latter half of the 17tli century and they are laid down 
on some maps, which were more or less bold and de- 
cisive in these fanciful suppositions. 

For the illustration and corroboration of these matters 
I will insert here reduced copies of the maps of a French 
and a Dutch geographer of that time. 



1911.1 



Asia and America. 



311 



No. 16 is a sketch after a map of Sanson, the geogra- 
pher of the King of France, of the year 1691. lie makes 
the north Paciiic closed and the coast of Yesso run in 
about 45" N. L. He calls the northern ocean near the 
coasts of north-eastern Asia, to wliich the "Strait de 
Vries" conducts, "Mer des Kaimachites," which name 
seems to be an allusion to Kamtschatka. 




TERRA D. YESSO .BY LUOTEMBOR'J 



s.M70a. 



Map No. 17 



No. 17 is a sketch after a map of a Dutchman named 
Lugtenburg of about the year 1700. He shows that 
curious idea about the configuration of the north Pacific 
regions to perfection. He makes the Strait of Anian 
cut right through from California to Hudson's Bay, 
gives to his "Terra de Yesso" well defined outlines and 
ascribes to it everything between Baffin's Bay and Asia. 
He calls it moreover "Het Land van de tien Stammen 
der Kindern Israels" (Tlie country of the ten tribes of 



312 American Antiqiiarian Society. [0<;t., 

Israel), intimating that this was the dry-land bridge 
by which the American population, which h(; thinks to 
be of Jewish extraction, wandered over from Asia. 

10. Maps after the First Discoveries oi'^ the 
Russians before Bering. 

The European nations found so much useful occuf)a- 
tion in the southern parts of the Pacific thut the north 
of this broad ocean, wliere no kind of attraction was 
held out to explorers, for a long time was completely 
neglected. The Dutch did not advance beyond Jajian 
and Yesso, vvhicli they had already reached in 1643. 
The Spaniards did not proceed beyond California, 
known to them for 200 years, and the English, who had 
been under Drake on the north-west coast already in 
1578, did not make their appearance again. Everybody 
seemed to shun those stormy, cold, useless regions, and 
the world remained in total ignorance about this part 
of the globe until a new nation appeared on the coasts 
of north-eastern vVsia, which gave the sign for ari earnest 
exploring activity in these regions, and vvhicli at last 
conducted tliis long agitated geographical question 
to a satisfactory solution. 

The Russians, or rather the Cossacks, had passed the 
dividing mountain ridge between Asia and Europe at 
the end of the IGth century and had worked their way 
from river to river through the whole of Siberia towards the 
East and North Sea. Already in the year of 1648, Desch- 
nef, one of these enterprising Cossack adventurers, with 
a few companions had circumnavigated the whole north- 
east end of Asia from the mouth of the Lena round the 
country of the Tschuktschi tlirough Bering's Strait 
to the coast north of Kamtschatka. But Deshnef 
laid not down his discoveries on a map. Because he 
was no well instructed geographer, he himself did not 
exactly know where he sailed and what he discovered. 
Besides this, nothing at the time became known of his 
voyage to the geographers of Europe. His reports 
remained for more than one hundred years hidden in the 



1911. 



Asia and America. 



313 



/ archives of Siberia and his discovery was therefore of 
no consequence for geography. 

Towards the end of the 17Lh century, during the vic- 
torious reign of Peter the Great, numerous bands of 
Cossacks arrived at many points on the borders of the 
eastern ocean along the Anmr to the neighbourhood of 




./f-/t^fy//7?pn /rag 



Map No. 18 

northern China and Japan, on the coasts of the Sea of 
Ochotsk, and to the northern parts of the Peninsula of 
Ochotsk. We are informed that these Cossacks sent also 
to their Russian authorities reports as well as maps. 
They must, however, have been very rude. And 
wliatever was laid down about the North Asiatic dis- 
coveries on general maps and became known to the rest 



(•! ,i i 



314 



American Antiquarian Societij. 



[Oct., 



■}', 



of Europe, was still ruder, as wc may \onvn by a l(jok at 
the followiug two sketches, which are takeu from two 
of the fu'st maps made at this period of tlie north-eastern 
parts of Asia. 

No. 18 is taken from the Dutch map of.Tartaria by 
tlie Burgomaster of v\msterdam, Nicohis Witseu. The 




/^/a'/6c}'<r^£/£wz^t' 



Map No. I'J 

Dutch, who were at this time very good friends of Peter 
the Great, and the Russians could be better informed 
about Russia than other Europeans and Witsen's map 
was therefore considered to be a revelation and was 
copied by many French, English and German map- 
makers. We see upon this map the long north-eastern 
cape of Asia, called Ys Caap, represented as unknown 
in its extremity and put in G7° N. L., not far from its 



1011.] Asia and A // 1 erica . 315 

true position. Of JCamlschatlca uppears nothing. Ikit 
the name of a river called "Kantzanki River" niay 
'allude to Kamtschatka. The i-iver Anurr is rudely 
laid down in its true latitude of 54° N., and tlie sea Ijefore 
it including the Sea of Ochotsk is called " Ainoerse Zee" 
(the Sea of Amur). There is no indication of a great 
country to the East (America). 

No. 19 is taken from another map of the same time, 
which is dedicated to Peter the Great. On the title- 
page of this map, it is said that it was made after the 
delineations of the Burgomaster of Amsterdam, N. 
I Witsen, but that it was corrected and improved by 

I Everard Ysbrandt Ides. This Ides was a German who 

i travelled about 1700 as an ambassador of Peter the 

I Great through Siberia to China and collected much in- 

< formation about the north-east of Asia. The map has 

' no indication of latitude, gives a rectangular form to the 

north-eastern end of the old continent, but resembles 
for the rest in many respects the former maj). It has 
also no peninsula Kamtschatka, but instead of it a river 
Kamzatga, and south of it a group of high mountains, 
which may be the mountains of the peninsula. Along 
the north-eastern coast appear a number of islands, bat 
no indication of the great country to the east (America). 
During tlie first years of the 18th century the Russians 
had completed the concjuest and exploration of this 
country on repeated exi)editions, and more truthful 
and numerous maps and reports about it may have 
reached the seat of the Russian government. Peter 
the Great ordered the results of these explorations to 
be laid down on a new general map of Siberia. And 
on this map, which was copied in western Europe 
rej^eatedly and amongst others is added to the work on 
the travels of Lange to China in the years 1721-1722, 
the north-eastern end of Asia was represented in the 
manner in which No. 20 sliows it. Kamtschatka is a 
large Peninsula. But as usually in the discoveries of 
new coujitries, it is represented here still much larger 



316 



American Antiquarian Socieiy. 



(Oct,., 



than it really is. It goes down as far south as a little 
beyond the 40° N. L., and its southern end approaches the 
island of Japan, whilst it really ends, already in 51° N. L. 
The Cossacks probably saw something of the Kurile 
islands and took a whole chain of them for a part of 
Kaintschatka. The name "Kurilski" is written on our 
map on the southern end of Kamtschatka. The sea 







^ A 



5 




£urUl?t^ 










e^. 



^^Ci>7z, .a. ;^xf/i, ^/j^^gcnJZ€ . -/'/^CK 



,/ 



Ma I" No. 20 



of Ochotsk is called the Gulf of Kamtschatka. Beyond 
the 60° N. L., appears something like Bering's Strait, 
and the most eastern end of Asia (4 degrees too far south) 
is called "Cape Swetoi Nos" (the Holy head). To the 
east of this head and strait appears a large island called 
"Puchochotschi," which is perhaps the first indication 
of the most western end of America. What we now call 
"Bering's Sea" is named on the map "Mare Japonicum" 
(the Sea of Japan). 



191 



Asia and America. 



317 



No. 21 is a sketch after a map which was pubHshed 
some years later than the former and shows some prog- 
ress and some new features. It was pubHshed on a large 
scale by tlie well-known German cartographers Homann 
in Nuremberg. The date ui publicati(jn is not given. 
But the map must have been made bcifore the your 1728, 




54 







Afanr 




8"" 



om «s -7?ia/i ^>/<:yCi»iUi. ?z n . '/ // O 



Map No. 21 



that is to say before the first voyage of discovery by 
Bering. At least the map has no sign that Bering's maps 
and reports were used. The Ilomanns, who were in 
scientific correspondence with Russia say that they made 
the map "after the observations of the Russian hunters, 
who had explored those regions on numerous expeditions 
by sea and by land." The map seems to have been 
esteemed at the time by geographers, and a reduced 



i 



318 



American Antiquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



copy of it is also to be found among the Japanese manu- 
script of Kempfer. Unhappily the map has no latitudes. 
Nevertheless it is evident that Kamtschatka has re- 
ceived a much better configuration and position than 
on No. 20. It does not go down as far soutli as Japan 







CaJ<i&o^ ,~j(l'u<'h 






Map No. 22 



and as the mouth of the Anmr, and ends in about 46° 
N. L., Avhich is only 4 degrees too long. Between Niph- 
on (Japan) and Kamtschatka appear the Kurile islands. 
Bering's Strait is indicated, and moreover to the east of 
Kamtschatka a large piece of country without name, 
alluding probably to the great unknown eastern countries 



1911.1 



Asia and Avierica. 



319 



(America), of which the Tschuktschi and KaiutschadaH 
may have spoken to the Cossacks. 

In the year 1728-1729, Ca])t. Bering executed at last 
the first official and scientific exploration of the north- 
eastern end of Asia, circumnavigated with astronomical 
instruments the whole of Kamtschatka, jienetrated into 
Bering's Strait, without, liowever, seeing the west coast 
of America, and brought home the first map of these 
regions, which was foinided upon actual astronomical 
survey. 

No. 22 is a reduced copy of this map of Bering, upon 
which with a few exceptions nothing is laid down but 
what Bering actually saw and surveyed. Upon this 
map Kamtschatka, for the first time, received something 
like its true position in longitude and latitude. Its 
length is shortened to about 51° N. L., which is nearly 
right. And whilst on the former maps (see Nos. 20 
and 21) it swept nmch to the east and had nearly the 
longitude of Bering's Strait and of the most eastern end 
of Asia, it turns on this map much to the west and its 
southern end remains from Bering's Strait in a distance 
of about 34 degrees of western longitude, which is pretty 
much true. 

Bering received on this his first voyage no information 
and knowledge of Ainerica and his map, therefore, con- 
tains also no indication of it. But we may consider 
that the geography of north-eastern Asia in its principal 
outlines was settled by him. This part of the world 
stood now more or less clear before the eyes of the ge- 
ogi-aphers whilst the west end of America remained 
still enveloped in utter darkness. 

11. First Maps of the North-West End of 
America after Bering. 

During the reign of the Empress Katharina of Russia 
a thorough and scientific exploration and survey of the 
whole of north-eastern Asia was concluded and executed, 
and corps of engineers and surveyors went out in all 
directions, also towards the unknown east. Two vessels 



320 A tficrican Aidiqiiarian Society. (Oct., 

under the command of Captain Bering and Tschirikow 
sailed this way in the year 1741. They took their course 
at first very far to tlie soutli into tlie n(jrthern Pacilic as 
far down as beyond 45° N. L., because they .principally 
went out in search of a certain great country, which 
a Portuguese Captain Don Joze da Caaia was .said to 
have seen there on a voyage from China to New Spain. 

This country was already depicted cjii a map in The- 
venot's great work in the year 1GG3, as a great tract of 
land between Asia and America in the latitude of north- 
ern Japan or Yesso and Upper California. It resembled 
in its form and situation very niucli tlie old faljulous 
Terra de Yesso of the Dutch navigators, as may be seen 
by the annexed sketch which we give of this country, 
as it has been depicted in the Atlas of Reiner and [Joshua] 
Ottens. Bering and Tschirikow could not find that this 
country really did not exist, and whicli was probably noth- 
ing but some (jf the Kurile islands, nustaken for a great 
country. They therefore steered towards the north- 
east and touched the coast of America on different points 
between 55° and 60° N. L., saw it also again re])eatedly 
on their home voyage, and discovered different islands, 
upon one of which Bering himself shipwrecked and died. 
Some of his companions and Tschirikow returned, how- 
ever, to Asia and Russia, where, however, for a long time 
nothing was officially published about the results of their 
voyage. 

The rest of Europe heard only by a very general report 
that the Russians had made an expedition and some 
discoveries to the east of Siberia and Kamtschatka. 
Some believed that they might have been in America. 
Others thouglit that the land seen by them might be 
something like Terra de Yesso, a new coimtry between 
America and Asia. 

How very vague, uncertain and varying the opinions 
of European geographers were with respect to these 
Russian discoveries may best be shown by the inspection 
of some maps, which were published soon after Bering's 
and Tschhikow's expedition. 



1911.1 



Asia and America. 



321 



No. 23 is a reduced copy from a map published in 
Germany a few years after the return of Bering's people 
in the year 1748. Of all the Russian discoveries nothing 
is indicated as [but J the island where Bering perished 
and this island is put in about 70° N. L., that is to say 
about 15 degrees too high. We find written to it the 
following inscription: "The Russians have come so 
far as this in the year 1743 but tliey have been ship- 



■C7J — — — ry;^ 



ill Ai^rAer ^tiH^/nrntyi, txufdCfn T'n - 
V "t^i/in yeichti.txrc uufTtr - 





■v<7 jo DiinUri, 







Map No. 23 

wrecked on the shoals and drowned." The whole rest 
of north-western America is indicated by a dotted line 
running from north to south to the Bay of Aguilar in 
California, with the inscription rumiing along it : " Prob- 
ably America goes as far as this." At the northern end 
of California the observation is added that "there the 
Sea begins to be very boisterous." A more laconic 
report on the Russian discoveries a map-maker could 
not make. The same map with exactly the same inscrip- 
tions was also published in France and in other countries. 



322 



American Antiquarian Society. 



[Oct., 



No. 24 is a copy of a map, whicli was made by the 
PVench geograi^her, Philippe Buaclie, as lie said after 
the memoirs of the astronomer De L'Isle, who accom- 
panied the expedition of Bering, and wliich was presented 
in the year 1750 to the Academy of Sciences in Paris. 
He tried to combine on it the fabulous discoveries of the 
so-called Spanish Admiral Fuente and of another Span- 
iard, De Fuca, which he believed were the real discover- 




M MUnruy M.<xJ. ma 



'JL 



Map No. 24 . 

ies of the Russians, of which he had a very incomplete 
knowledge. He put down on his map all the great lakes, 
straits and the great "Sea of the West" (Mer ou Baye 
de rOuest), which Fuente and De Fuca were reported 
to have seen. He laid down in 56° N. L., a jiiece of the 
coast seen by Tschirikow, and again a long stretched 
coast seen by the same Tschirikow farther to the west 
and in 54° N. L. He adopted likewise, more to the south 
and west, the coast seen by J. da Gama and another 
country in the Arctic regions, north of Siberia, seen by 



' 



191 J.I 



Asia and America. 



323 



the Russians in 1723. In this way he made of the whole 
of north-western America a broken country or a complex 
of ishmds, curiously formed peninsulas and unfinished 
coast pieces. Of Bering's discoveries his map gives 
nothing except the little island of Bering where this 
exi)lorer died. This map of Buacho and De L'Isle was, 
however, considered to be a very good authority, which 




^^^r^ i c^^e-i ^/j . -yrtjy^ . 



Map No. 25 

it partly was. And it was therefore copied in many 
countries and by different geographers, only that they 
added to it sometimes a little of their own. 

No. 25, for instance, shows a copy of the map of l^uache 
and De L'Isle by the English geographer, Jefferys. 
lie adopts on it everything. But he thinks that the 
country seen by the Russians in 1723 to the north of 
Siberia is nothing but a prolongation of the countries 
seen by them to the east of Kamtschatka, that is to say 
of America, and he therefore gives to north-^vestern 



h-.'.r,. 



824 



A iticrican AnLlquar'um Suciclii. 



[()<.t., 



America an enonnoiLs extent. Other inap-makqi-.s, on 
the other hand, made the coast-hne ol' North America 
from Bering's Strait run (kie north to tlje Ptjle. 

At last in the year 1758, the Russian Academy of 
Sciences pubUslied an authentic and coniplete chait 
of the discovei'ies made l)y Berinji; and Tschirilcow. 
No. 20 is a copy of this chart. (3n it in the same time 
the detached piecrss of coasts seen \)y those navigators 



Hrv^5SS)'''~ "iv f'""' 



\:^:> ■> 









y 



X 









*. t 



■y-"*/' '^" •'■".'."" ' 









v.- ■ncj'' 



■ '■■J■^. 



ei^AF o. «. RSi^SMW ACAOE^^jV . S7iSa. 



Mil' No. 2(1 



are joined by dotted Unes, which sliow tlie cjutHnes of 
the countries as tlie mem))ers of the Academy (piinci- 
pally Mr. Miiller, the historian of Siberia) thouglit lliem 
to be. Though the nann^ (jf America does not occur 
on ihis map, still it is evident that the Bussian Academy 
thought the new countries to be a part of this continent. 
They supposed, even, that all the i)ieees of coast which 
Bering and Tschirikow had seen, along what we now call 
the Aleutian islands, made a part of tliis continent and 
formed a long, broad peninsula, which erj'or was only 
cori'ected by later discoveries. 



1011.] 



Asia and America. 



This map of the Russian Academy was now of course 
as the most reliable information adopted and copied 
by all geograiihers of Europe. It left, hovv'ever, still 
open a large field of speculation and this open field was 
filled out by them with many speculations, wliich they 
tried to introduce into this map. Besides the old ti'adi- 
tions of the North American discoveries of the iVdmiral 
De Fuente, to which some still adhered, other reports 



-Vatic oflhi^rAK^j-^ 







1. 






.L-^x.-X. 



Map No. 27 

about certain discoveries, made in north-western Amer- 
ica by the Chinese and Japanese, gained credit at this 
time. De Guignes in his great work on China had pro- 
nounced that the Chinese knew north-west America 
under the name of "Fiisany" or "the countr}^ of the 
rising sun." Kempfer had brought to Europe certain 
Japanese maps, on which were figured countries to the 
north-east of Japan. Some thought that by tliese coun- 
tries was meant the north-western part of America. 

No. 27 shows how a map-maker, who believed in all 
these discoveries, tried to combine on a map tlie real 



326 American Antiquarian Society. , [Oct., 

discoveries of the Russians with the supposed knowledge 
of the Chinese, Jajjunese and De Fuente. lie copies 
on it first tlie map of the liussian Academy. But tliere 
into the interior and the unknown North he puts down 
countries and bays taken from Kemjifer's Japanese 
map. In the soutli he has the country "Fusany" of 
the Chinese, mentioned by De Guignes, and besides this 
the lakes of De Fuente. 

12. Maps of the Russian Fur-hunters between 
Bering and Cook. 

It was a long time after Bering (1743) before an im- 
portant official and scientific expedition was made again 
fi'om Siberia towards the east. But licring had opened 
a field for private speculation. His companions had 
brought with them from the eastern countries rich 
shares of niost precious furs, which were sold at high 
prices. And this circumstance induced many Russian 
privateers and speculators to fit out in Kamtschatka 
and Ochotsk small vessels and to sail to the east for the 
exploration of the seats of these fur animals. These 
privateers rediscovered at first Bering's Island, and 
having exhausted this, then reached the chain of the 
Aleutian islands one after the other. They reported 
that what the Academists on their map of 1758 had 
represented as continental land were all islands. They 
also sometimes brought home a map, which they tried 
■to construct of these islands. But for want of astro- 
nomical instruments they could not well define their 
position. 

This kind of trade became by degrees important and 
the Russian government at last decided again on some 
scientifical and uflicial expeditions towards the east, 
to assist their subjects in their navigation by defining 
the position of the new islands and by taking possession 
of them. Between the years 17G4-17G9 two such official 
expeditions were made, one conmiandcd by Lieutenant 
Synd and the other by Lieutenants Krenitzin and 
Levascheff. 



1911.) Asia and America. ; 327 

Synd followed (from 1764-1768) the first route of 
Bering (in 1728), sailed along the east coast of Kanits- 
chatka and the country of Tschuktschi of Bering's Strait 
and recognized there also the most western point of 
America, which Bering had not seen, which had been, 
however, already visited by a Russian of the name of 
Gvozdec in the year 1730. 

Krenitzin and Levascheff (1768-1769) visited the 
Aleutian islands as far as the western point of the penin- 
sula of Alaska. Both brought home maps of their 
discovei-y which remained, however, hidden in Russia 
and became only known at a much later period. 

The European geographers received of all these Rus- 
sian discoveries only very confused reports. They seem 
to have heard only that the great large peninsula, jminted 
on the map of the Russian Academy of 1758 was now 
recognized to be all islands, to which different names 
were given. It seems now to have become a passion 
to see islands everywhere. Not only the whole space of 
water between America and Asia was filled with islands 
where none existed, but also the long peninsula of 
Alaschka was considered to consist of islands, and also 
the gi'eat western spit of land, with which vVmerica 
[. . .] toward Bering's Strait, was supposed to be an 
island. The great continental land of America was 
therefore placed far back to the east bc^liind this great 
new archipelago. 

No. 28 shows how these things were figured at the 
time. It is a copy of a map by the English geographer, 
Jefferys, of the year 1775. JefTerys made this map 
principally after another map, composed by a Mr. 
Staehlin, who was considered to be a good authority 
and whose work lay at the bottom of all the similar maps 
of that period which were published in Germany, Hol- 
land, France and other countries. We see on this map 
the terra firma of America in the latitude of Bering's 
Strait at a distance of 20 degrees of longitude from the 
eastern cape of Asia. It is called the Great Country 
of "Stachtan Nitada, " a curious name, which is probably 



I ! 



328 



Avierican Anilquurian Society. 



[Oct., 



of Alcnitinn orif>iii and wliicli was adopted at the time 
on all inap.s. I'lie wosteiTi broad ,spit of land is made to 
be an island and cnlled "Alaschka." Also "Unalasch- 
ka," wliich was discovered by Ki'cnitzin and Levascheif 
is transferred to this region and with tliem many other 
islands, which arc named .with an Asiatic name: "Ajia- 
dirskai islands" (the islands of Anadir), as if they Ixv 




I'hf 



~!7tV 



yyp 






% 



f< UXi ^"^-^---^ 0^ \ ('rent Comment 




SP 









^-^ "-V, 



Ci 



J.Id 



1 <? 
1^^ 












C> 



RUSSIAN AMERICA . V/75 . 



M.u- No. L'S 

longed to Asia. To the south of them is laid down- 
anotlier grovi]) of islands called "Aleutskai islands" (the 
islands of the Aleuti). Tlieir arrangement resembles 
very little the oi'der in wliich this chain of islands is put 
in reality. From Mount S. Elias to the noith-west, north 
and round to the east is ojxm water and navigation. 

It was on maps like these that tlie plans for Cook's 
great expeditic^i to tliese regions were based. But to 
throw still moi-e light on the great merits of this dis- 



1911. 



/l,sm II nd A imvica. 



329 



coveicr, we will reproduce and insert here a nia]) ui' 
comparison, No. 29, which was composed and comjnled 
by the Fi'ench geoji;raphej', J. N. Buaclie a few years 
befoi-e C'Ook. Tie tj'ied to show on this njap how differ- 
ent the opinions of geographei's were about the con- 
figuration and position of the northern extremity of the 
two continents. He combined oil it tlie delineations 
of tliree distinguished geographers: Engel, Vaugondy 







-.sm — f-^ 








1 rM f\,<yi>' 



'"- m/. 



,';r^^fjjt,..x^.il4 



\ 



Jce'Cm o/ 'X'i')*^^ /y<'^<QC'^'-^'/, ■^'"^ c^pcca-c/c-e . //7l). 



-^ 



Mai- No. 2'J . ..... ■ 

and of himself. The red lines on the maj) represent the 
ideas of .Engcl, the yellow those of Vaugondy and the 
blue those of Buache. 

[Tlie present reiiroiluelion docs not fj;ive the variaLions in color, as' 
noted in Kold's (ir.iwing.) 

We learn by it that their positions deviatcxl some- 
times about 20 degrees of longitude and also in some 
parts considerably in latitude. 

13. Maps after Cook. 

That there could not be any large channel or bay 
between Hudson's Bay, or some other noith-eastern 



330 American Antupiariari Society. [Oct., 

bay of America, and the Pacific Ocean, as had often 
been HU])posed, was principally proved by the travel of 
Hearne in the year 1771. He went by land rcjund the 
whole of the western coast of Hudson's liay, cut iijj;ht 
through the large body of the American contin(;nt, 
found everywhei'e fresh-water lakes :uid rivers and 
reached the salt-water, oj- the Arctic Ocean, only beyond 
70° N. L. 

Soon after him othei- travellers of the north-west and 
Hudson's Bay companies advanced far into the interior 
to the north-west and foimd here likewise an everywhere 
comiected mass of terra lirma, not otherwise interrupted 
but by lakes and rivers, and not separated by such 
fanciful bays and channels as had been drawn on the 
maps after the so-called De Fuente or after the geograph- 
ical views of the Japanese. 

The idea that the American continent ended already 
at a very low latitude, and that that piece of land which 
the Russians had discovered was something separate 
between Asia and America, was therefoie moi'e and more 
given up. Also the exi)lorers, whom the Spanish 
government had sent out after 1774 along the north-west 
coast and who advanced as far as about the region where 
Bering and Tschirikow had been before, had found firm 
land everywhere when they touched the coast and no 
signs of broad channels and waters. 

When, therefore, Cook in the year 1777 sailed to 
these regions with tfie intention of trying a circunmaviga- 
tion of the whole of noi'thern America and of returning 
by the north and north-east through Baffin's Bay, 
neither his instiuctions nor he himself paid nmeh atten- 
tion to the coast east of Mount Elias, expecting that it 
would be all terra fij-iia aid not ho])ing that he could 
effectuate his passa^d to tht. north there. But to the 
west of Mount St. i^]lias, where as I have shown nearly 
all the former mr ps had shown America to be dissolved 
in islands, he h- id a sharp look-out, entered every inlet 
and bay, thinking that he might find son\ething like a 
passage. He was, however, bafiled in his expectations. 



1911.] Ama and A/ncrica. 331 

Every large inlet was found to be nothing but a sound, 
one of which he called "Prince Williams's Sound," and 
anotlier Cook'a lliver. 

On liis progress to the west the continental coast 
tlu'ew him even back much to the south and he could not 
push to the noi'th into open water before lie had reached 
the western end of what he called the ^peninsula of Alaska. 
He sailed along this peninsula on both sides, discovered 
[and] entered Bristol Bay and Northon Sound and passed 
Bering's Strait into the Arctic Ocean. He circumnavi- 
gated the most western end of America, which he called 
C. Pr. of Wales, found the northern coast of America 
turning to the north-east, but v/as stopped in his progress 
by an unpassable barrier of ice in about 70° N. L., where 
he called the last head-land seen by him Icy Cape. He 
sailed along this barrier of ice towards the west, touched 
the coast of northern Asia in the same latitude, where 
he called the last head-land seen by him Cape North, 
traced this coast backward towards Bering's Strait, and 
returned to the south through the chain of the Aleutian 
islands. 

No. 30 is a reduced copy of the map on which the dis- 
coveries of Cook were laid down and which was published 
soon after his death and after the return of his officers. 
We see upon it, for the first time, the north-vi^estern end 
of America given its true proportions and configurations 
at least in its principal features. The parts of the coast 
which Cook could not approach and ascertain are marked 
with dotted lines. He did not recognize the figure of 
the large island of Kadiak and he did not survciy the 
interesting part of the coast between Bristol and Norton 
Bay, which he could not approach because the water 
was too ghoal, and where in later times were discovered 
the aeltas oi some large rivers. Cook traced the prin- 
cipal featuiss of its configuration in an undoubted and 
scientific manner and put tliem down on the map in their 
true latitude and longitude. All the erroneous suj^jio- 
sitions of a "terra de Yesso," or some other separate 
continent between Asia arvd America, of great inland 



332 



Atiicncan A/ili(jua:riait Society. 



[Oct., 



cliuniicls ciiiiiiijj, t hrcju^h tlic whole couliiiont, of Anicjica, 
of II jAicut ;yclii|A'lago, full of islands botwcu'ii Asia and 
America, vaiiished bei'oro ('o(jk',s delineation. 

There remained still aftei' him it, is tme miicli detail 
work t(; be done, many s|)ecia-l ([iiestioiis to he answered. 
The leny;th of the majiy inlets were still to he exph^ied, 
many islands were to be circumnaYig;ated, thii iiue^ition 







'^'XTt^SH 



1^3,=^- 



i:cj..ji.^.. 

V"-"-^'"-v^«l| V 



,^ a Cj-c *«><.- Vz-.^Vr'"^ — ^-^ I 






■jmtS^^-i'- 







M.ii- No. 30 



wlietlier on tlie norih-w{\st coast there was such a large 
"Bay of the West" us De Fuca was said to liave dis- 
covered, was still open and remaiui'd Ic^n'j; after Cook 
still a sul)je(;t of discussion and research. lUd the great 
and rough woik was done b}' Cook, and ;dl his Spanish, 
French anil ]Cnglish successors may l)e considf.'red as 
progressing and building on the fundamentals given 
by him. We may sa}^ tiiat Cook did in this manner in 
the year 1778 the same thing for tlie west end of iVmerica 
that Bering had ilone in the year 172S for the east end 



11)11. J 



/l6'7'(f (iiul America. 



333 



of Asia. And it was, thei'eifore, also very just aiitl fair 
tliat the dividing strait between the two great islands of 
our globe was called as well after the Asiatic as the 
American explorer: "Cook's and liering's Strait." 

Cook's map was of course at once adopted by all the 
geographers of the time, who inserted after it into thei]- 
genei-al maps and remodelled according to it the map of 
North America and nortljern Asia. On these maps wer(i 
also sometimes drawn the northern shores of North 






-^"1/^ 



//"' 



Ij^ 



y 







•oicsm 



mxK 



Ma I' No. 31 



America by connecting thi'ough a hypothetical line the 
most northern coast-])oints reached by Cook and llearne. 
No. 31 shows lunv this was done by the English geog- 
rapher, Arrowsmith. It is a reduced copy of a map of 
north-eastern Asia and noi'th-western America, which 
this geographer published soon aftei' Cook and on which 
he combined the discoveries of Cook and Bering and other 
Russian navigators. Similai' maps were published, some 
time after Cook, in Petersburg and elsewhere. 



334 



American Anliqunrian Society. 
14. Time after Cook. 



(Oct., 



After the time of Cook no more principal and essential 
changes were made in the map of north-eastern Asia 




and north-western America, and thence we may come 
down at once to the latest and most modern map of 
these regions which has filled out the gaps left by Cook, 



1911.] 



Asia and America. 



335 



and gives the most perfect and complete vi(!vv of the 
question. We therefore conckidc here our series of 
pictiu-es with a small reduced picture of our regions, 
No. 32, as they are figured on our present maps and which 
we suljjoin for the sake of comparison. 

To explain this picture the following short notes on 
the further history of north-west America will sufiice. 
Soon after Cook, a general interest in the north-west 
Amei'ican coast arose. Cook had discovered here, like 
Bering in the regions nearer to Asia, that rare and pre- 
cious fur-animal, the sea-otter, and as after Bering, so 
also after Cook, the trade and hunt after the fin- of this 
animal excited further explorations. Meares, Dixon, 
Portlock and many other English captains sailed along 
this coast, made new discoveries and constructed new 
maps of it. Also the French, who wished to partake in 
it, sent along the northwest coast their excellent La 
P(5rouse, who made there many new observations. Even 
some American Captains, Gray, Irving, and others, came 
out to the coast and helped in this work in the hope of 
gain. The Spaniards, who feared in this struggle of 
other nations to lose their old claims and pretensions 
to that whole part of the New World, until then so much 
neglected by them, sent also out a whole series of scien- 
tific expeditions under Bodega y (Quadra, Malaspina 
and others, who explored likewise the coast as far north 
and west as the Aleutian islands. 

At last in the years 1792-1794, came the great Van- 
couver, who from California to the peninsula of Alaska 
exi)loring every sound, strait and inlet, and circum- 
navigating every island, set all the geographical questions 
of this coast at rest, and gave upon his maps tlic niost 
perfect picture of it. 

During {he same time, 1793-1794, a land-traveller, 
Alexander Mackenzie, made a similar cut tlu'ough the 
whole of the north-western American continent, as 
Hearne had done it twenty years before him. Partly 
by actual walking over dry-land, partly by a canoe 
navigation in rivers, in two dificrent directions, one to 



336 Ainerican Antiquarian Society. [Oct., 

tlu! north towards the Arctic Sea, and one to tlie west 
towards the l*acific Ocean, he proved tliat everything 
was htvre continental. But Ilearne liad proved this 
only for the region near Hudson's Bay. Mackenzie 
pj-oved it in a like manner for the neighboj-hood oi the 
Pacific, '^rwenty degrees of longitude to the west fron; 
the Nee phis ultra of Hearne he gained and fixed another 
point of the Arctic coast of America, like llearni; and like 
Cook not far from the 70° N. L. The conjcctiu'al line 
by wliich tlie geograjihers united these three given points, 
and with which they traced the prol)al)l(; configui-ation 
of this part of the great American ])eniiisula of the north- 
west, became now nearly certain. 

There still remained, however, for some thne one 

essential point of doubt. Ikitween the Nee plus ultra of 

Cook (Icy Cape) and that of Mackenzie (the mouth of 

Mackenzie River) was a large tract of unknown coast. 

The continent of vVmerica might in this place as well send 

out a large spit of land to the north or w<'st, as lun 

directly east and west, as was generall.y adopted. On 

the other side there was one equally uncertain p(;int 

on the Arctic coast of Asia. A long peninsula, called by 

the llussians "Swatoi Nos" (the Holy Head), pnjjects 

'i from this coast not far north-west from l^ering's Strait - 

?; and reaches far into the Arctic watei'S. It was reprc- 

f: •• ■ sen ted nearly on all the maps with dotted lines as some- 

-. . . • thing unknown. Though the Cossacks pi'etended to 

have circunmavigated it already in the year HH8 under 

their chief, Deshnef, of whom we have spoken above, 

/ still this circunmavigation could for nearly two hundred 

■■. • yea,rs never be eCfected again. And geograplu^rs com- 

,; . -. ?' n)enced, therefore, to question this circunmavigation 

' . '• of the Holy Caj)e by Deshnef and made it likely that 

v. ' ii instead of navigating there he had drawn his boats 

':, ■ ,■■■■ ■ over a portage of dry-land and Inul not seen tlie ('iid of 

•» ' ' the country. 

'• . • Cook, as we said, had also approaclied this peninsula 

'■f '; from the east, but was hindered there in his progress by 

a barrier of ice, wliich seemed to unite the Holy Cape in 



191 1.1 



Asia and A t/ic 



/■;<•((. 



337 



I 



♦: 



I 



Asiii witli the Icy Cu{)u in America. Cook found aloufi; 
this icy l)aiTicr not veiy deep water. Could tliis bairier 
of ice, whicli also after Cook was seen again in the same 
position by other navigators, not perhaps he Lipon a 
bank? Was it not perha])s even the ice-ljound shore of 
a great huid of a contineivtal bridge between Holy and 
Icy Ca])e? The possiljility of this union was admitted 
still by geographers as late as the year lS2l), among 
others, for instance, by C'aptain liurney, tlie able his- 
torian of north-western ex|)lorations. lie tries to prove 
that the water north of l>ci-ing's Strait may bc^ nothing 
but a shore-bound bay and that the two great islands of 
our globe may be still linked togethei' in the intlicated 
region by a biidge of djy-land. 

This sujiposition was discuvered only in our times by 
the combined efforts of the navigator Beechey, who 
progress(;d beyond Cook's Icy Cape towards tlie east, 
and of Franklin, Richardson, Parry, Rae and other land 
and sea-travellers, wfio wandered or sailed in boats 
along the whole Arctic coasts of Ncjrth America, and who, 
by uniting the Nee plus ultra of Ilearne, Mackenzie, 
Cook and Beechej^ carved out its true iigin(3s and showed 
that the American continent really ended, as it had been 
suiiposed for some time, in a long, more or less straight 
line from east to west near aljout 7(3° N. L. Only after 
those travtvllers, that is to say after al)out 1830, it was 
quite d(jubtl(\ss that America could in no way whatever 
be continentall}' connected with Asia, thtjugh there 
might be between them still many great Arctic islands, 
the history of wliicli does not, however, enter into uur 
subject. 

The Russians also weie during the course of the first 
half of this century very active in exploiing as well 
their north-west American as their north-east Asiatic 
possessions and in improving the map of them. Tluy 
(under Kotzebue, 181G) discovered a great bay to the 
north-east of Bering's Strait (Kotzebue Sound). They 
rciconnoitered and defineel the shoal piece of coast be- 
tween Norton and Bristol Bay, which Cook could not 



338 American Antiquarian Society. 

approach, uiid traced there (under Zagoskin and others) 
the course of two large rivers: the Kwikhpak and 
Ku.skoquini. They (under Schelik<jl') showed Kadiak 
to be an ishmd, and tljey made (under Wrangell, 
Tebei:ikof and other oHicers) many special surveys 
of bays, harbors, straits and islands belonging to 
them. They also (luider Anson, Wrangell and (jthers) 
explored again the Arctic coast of Asia and jjublished 
a most accurate survey and map of Kamtschatka. 
But we can disj)ense with tracing here step by step 
the progress of all these interesting expeditions because 
they contributed nothing more to the decision of our 
main question, the relative geographical position of 
north-eastern Asia and north-western America, which 
was, as we said, ultimately decided by Beechey and 
Franklin. 



Index. 



339 



INDEX. 



A. 

Adams, Charles Francis, on the 
Shayrf Rebellion, 57; Secretary 
for Domestic Correspondence, re- 
elected, 133; Committee to pub- 
lisli Mather Diaries, 141. 

Adams, James, printer, 29, 33. 

Adams, Samuel, 73. 

Af^nese, Baptista, 306. 

Akka-pana, 222, 228, 231, 2-14-247; 
etymology of, 221. 

"Alaschku" (Alaska), 328. 

Alcebaza, Diego dv, 255. 

Alden, Ebenezer, Fund, 157. 

"Aleutskai islands (Islands ol' the 
Aleuti), 328. 

Almanacs, interleaved, by I. Math- 
er, 142; additions, IGti. 

America, "Asia and America. His- 
torical Disquisition Concerning 
the Ideas vvhicii Ftirmer Ceogra- 
phersliad about tli(; Ceogi';L[)iiical 
Relation and Connection of the 
Old and New World." By J. C. 

■ Kohl. With 32 maps, 284-338. 

American Anti(|uai'ian Society, 
meeting in buil<ling of the Massa- 
(■hu.setts Historical Society, 1, 
and iii'st regular niec^ting at Hall 
of new building, 131; completion 
of new building, 2, and drsui'ip- 
tion, 7, 8, 138, 139, U)2, 1G3; ac- 
count of, 1813, by I. '^riiomas, 2, 
3; guests of Boston members at 
luncli, 5; former buildings, 8, 9; 
private library given by 1. Thom- 
as, 8, and erects building, 8, 9; 
great value of collecticais, 132, 
and need of endowment, 132, 
133; gift of jjhotographic repro- 
ductions of Chich(,'n-ltza, 1315, 
137; guests of President Lincoln 
at lunch, 137; publication of 
Mather Diaries, 14U-143; publi- 
cations, 144, 145, 172; depository 
for Library of Congress cards. 



170, 171; exhibition of early 
Bibles, 173, 174; transfer of relics, 
175, 17U; newspaper bibliography 
suggested, 2(J8, 209. 

American history, new bibliography 
of, suggested, 208. 

American Magazine, 21. 

American Minerva, 35. 

American Philosophical Society, 
26;i. 

American Preacher, 31.'. 

American Revolution, importance 
of a bibliography of, 273, 274. 

American statute law, bibliography 
of, suggested, 270. 

American travel, bibliography of, 
suggested, 270, 271. 

American Year Boi)k Cor))oration, 
Society represented by l-'resident 
Lincoln, 0. 

"Amoei'sctZee, " (Sea of Amur), 315.' 

"Anadirskai islands" (Islands of 
Anadir), 328. 

"Aniau Ucgnum" (north-eastern 
Asia), 303. 

Anne, Queen, restrains printing iu 
New Jersey, 15. 

Anson, Lord Ceorge, 338. 

Apian, Peter, 304. 

An/us, brig, 108, 109, 112, 114, 115, 
120, 121. 

Argus; and New .Jersey Cenlinel, 
47. 

Arnett, Isaac, 35. 

Arnett, Shelly, printer, 31, 32; ca- 
reer, 34-30. 

Arnett's New Jersey luderalist, 34. 

Arrowsmith, Aaron, 333. 

Asia, "Asia and America. Historical 
Disquisition Concei'ning th(; Ideas 
which lujrnn'r Geograjiluis had 
about the Cjeographical Relation 
and Connection of the Old and 
New World." By J. G. Ivohl. 
With 32 maps, 284-338. 

Aymariis, 224, 231, 233; pottery of, 
219; appearance, 234; clans, 235, 



340 



AnterUxrn A )ili<iiuiriatt Sociciy. 



23G, 237, 2G2, 2l>3; ilniiecs, 237- 
239, 203, 2t.il; superstitions, 240- 
242. 

IJ. 

liacon, Franci.s, i.ui witdicjalt, 209, 

210, 21-1. 
Bacon, ]''raiiciri II., Itil. 
lialcli, ^riionias W., ciect.ed a nieni- 

hiT, 4; gift, tu Ccnlennial luinci. 

If).'). 
Mall, Sir AlvxMxdvi-, IDS, 119. 
liancroft, Aaion, iSoiinun, l(S3fi, 

tifj/t. 
15ancroftr, Richard, Al)|). of Canter- 
bury, 205. 
I^and(4ier, Adolph F., Ruins al 

Tiahuanaco, 134, 218-205; ajipre- 

ciation ol' bin work, 134. 
Barron, Cow. .Sanniil, 109, 110. 
Barter, conip(4!(,'<l, 52, 05, GO. 
Basliaw, Ilan.el, UW-] 10, 119, 121, 

122, 123, 124, 125, 120, 127, i2S. 
Basliaw, Yusuf or ,j(wc])li Caraniaili, 

112. 
Bassett, Jolin Siiencer, elected a 

member, 4. 
Bates, Albert C, teller, 4. 
liaxter, James Phinney, member of 

the Council, 133. 
Beecbey, Frederick William, 337, 

338. 
Beej-, William, gilt tu Ci-nteunial 

Fund, 155. 
Behaim, Martin, 288, 289, 292. 
Belcher, d'ov. Jonathan, 71. 
Bellonioiit, Catharine C, Cou/itf:i.s 

of, 70. 
Bellomont, Richard C, Earl (if, 70. 
Bentley, William, Diary of, Vol. 3, 

|)ublished, 172; references to 

Mather library and jxirtraits, 

172, 173. 
Bering, Vitus, 317, 319, 320, 321, 

322, 323, 324, 326, 327, 330, 332, 

333, 335. 
Bertonio, B. Ludovico, "Arte de la 

Lengua Aymara," 234, 202, 
Bctdiizas, Juan de, 253. 
Bible, New Jersey imprints, 29, 32, 

35, 43; exhibition of early, 173, 

174; autliority of, 198. 
Bibliography, ">SoineBil:)liogra()hical 

Desiderata in American History," 

by William MacDonakl, 13G, 

2()6-270. 
Black, Willi.am, printer, 37. 
Blake, Ceorge S., 100. 



rilauv(4(, .\bi;di:im, printer, 34, 30 

Bodega y (Inailia, .Inan l''ram-isco, 
335. 

Bo<ll("ian Lilnary, 84. 

Boli^'ia, ruiii.s at Tiahuanaco, 21N- 
205; Intlian clans, 235. 

B(;okbiiiding Fund, 157. 

Boston Athenaeum, 23. 

Boston Daily yidveitiser, 147. 

Boston News Fetter, 74. 

Boston Public Library, 75. 

P)oturini Bcnaduci, Forenzo, S3/(, 99. 

Bowditch, Charles P., 97, 99; gift 
to Centennial l''und, 155. 

lioj'ileu, W. '^riiaile, certificate at) 
Accountant, 100. 

Bradford, Andrew, printer, 15. 

Bradford, William 11|, |h inter, 15- 
19. 

Bradford, William |2|, printer, 20. 

Bridgeton, N. J., 44; pre.ss, 47. 

Briggs, Ilenry, 308. 

Briggs, Saimiel, 110, 110, 12(i, 127, 
128. 

Brighain, Clarence 8., 140, Record- 
ing Kecretarj' pro tcnipore, elected, 
2; commitlee to report eligible 
members, G; "Royal Proclama- 
tions relating to America," 0; 
di.-scriiition of new building in 
Worcester Magazine, 7, 8, 172;' 
and in his Report, 102-105; com- 
mitlee to publish Alather Diaries, 
141; Librarian's Rept)rt, 132, 
IGl — 170; with list of donors, 
177-184. 

Brinton, Daiii(4 (;., 90, 97, 99. 

British Mustaim catalogue, 175. 

Bronze at '4'iahuanaco, 219, 228. 

Brown University, 270. 

Bruce, Addingion, 209. 

Brunswick Gazette, and Weekly 
Monitor, 34. 

Bryce, James, Society's new build- 
ing suggests'buildingsof Ravenna, 
135; visit to Tiahuanaco, 135; 
on witchcr.aft, 130. 

Buache, Jean Nicolas, 329. 

Buache, Philippe, 322, 323. 

Iku4dey, Janu-s M., 209. 

Bullock, A. Ceorge, Treasurer, re- 
elected, 131; report of Treasurer, 
155-159. 

liurlington, N. J., press, 17, 24, 25, 
20, 27, 28, 38, 39. 

Burlington Advertiser, or Agricul- 
tural and Political Intelligencer, 
38. 



Index. 



341 



Burnet, Gov. William, 71. 

Barney, Junics, 337. 

Burr, Abigail, 187. 

Burr, tleorge L., New England's 

Place in the Hiatiiry of VVitdi- 

cralt, 131, 1K5-217. 
Burr, John, 187. 

C. 

Cabot, John and Seba.stian, 291. 

Cabrillo, Joao, 307. 

Calanclia, Antonio de la, 220, 250, 
251, 200, 201. 

Calvin, Jean, Calvinism in Eng- 
land, l',)6-214. 

"Cape Swatoi Nos" (Holy Head), 
310, 330, 337. 

Carnegie Institution, 1 54 ; work of the 
Bureau of Historieal Heseareh, 
274. 

Carver, Jonathan, '"rravcls, " 53. 

Cason, Joan, 200«. 

Cadricu'in, vessel, 309. 

"Cataio" (northern China), 306. 

Centennial Fund, 2, 157; gifts to, 
155. 

Centinel of Freedom, 40, 44. 

Central America, study of the wi-it- 
ing of, by A. M. Tozzer, 80-98. 

Ces|)edes, Andrea Garcias de, 307. 

Chalmers, George, Introduction to 
revolt of Amor. Colonies, 70«. 

Chamberlain, Mellen, 75. 

Chandler, Cieorge, Fund, 157. 

Charles II., 08. 

Charles V., of Spain, 280, 281. 

Chase, Anthony, 140. 

Chase, Chas. A., tribute to, by A. 
McF. Davis, 140; obituary, by 
S. 8. Green, MG-150; education, 
140, 147; newspajjer career, 147, 
149, 151; treasurei-, Worcester 
Co. Institution for Sa,vingB, and 
president, 148; death of, an- 
nounced, 150; minute prepared 
for Council, by S. S. Green, 150- 
152; contributions to Proceed- 
ings, 151, 152. 

Chase, Lydia (Earle), 146. 

Chase, Mary ^fcresa (Clark), 149. 

Chase, Maud Elisa, 149. 

Chase, Sarali E., 149. 

Ch.atham, N, J., press, 31, 33, 44. 

Chifhen-ltza, i)hotographic repnj- 
ductions t)f, gift of E. II. Thomp- 
son, 130, 137. 

Chile, 107. 



"Chinan Golfo" (northern Pacific), 

302. 
Clu-istian'a, Scholar's and I'^arnier's 

Magazine, 33. 
Chu]-t:h, Arthur II., gift to Cen- 
tennial Finid, 155. 
Cieza de Leon, I'edro de, Cr6nica 

del Peru, 230; 244-257. 
Civil War, bibliogra[jhy of, needed, 

274- 275. 
Clark College, 153. 
Clark University, 154. 
Clodd, Edward, Story of tlie Alpha- 
bet, S0/(, 99. 
Cobo, Bernabe,' "Historia del Nue- 

vo Mundo," 221, 243-249, 261. 
Codex, Mendoza, 84-86, with 4 

Plates. 
Colden, Cadwallader, 22, 23. 
Collection and Research Fund, 157. 
Collins, Isaac, })rinter, 27, 28, 38, 

43, 50, 51; notice of, 29, 30. 
Columbus, Cla'istopher, 284, 285, 

289, 290, 29-1, 295, 296. 
Congregational Library, 142. 
Congregationalist, editor, M. Dex- 
ter, 10. 
Connecticut Gazette, 20. 
Connecticut Sewage Commission, 

12. 
Constitutional Courant, 22, 23. 
Constitutional Gazette, 22. 
Conway, lle-nry S., 22. 
Cook, ('apt. James, 328, 329, 330, 

331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337. 
Cooke, Elisha, 69. 
Coolidge, xVri-hiliald Gary, elected 

a member, 4. 
Cooper, Anthony A., 1st Earl of 

Shaftesbury, 213. 
Cooper, Elisha, iirinter, 42. 
Co[)acavana, 220, 230. 
Copper at Tiahuanaco, 219, 227, 

228. 
Cojjpo, Pietro, 294. 
Cornbury, Edward Hyde, Lord, 

15, 16. 
Cortereal, Gaspare, 291, 294, 295, 

300. 
Cortes, Hernando, 295, 290, 298, 

300. 
Cossacks, 312, 313, 316, 319, 336. 
Cotton, John, follower of WiUiam 

]\-rkins, 203. 
Council, lieport, by S. S. Green, 

6-9; by A. McF. Davis, 138-145; 

members of, 133, 134; special 

meeting, 150. 



342 



American Aniiquarinn Sociely. 



t.yt. , 



Craft, Gcrshoni, printer, 37, 38. 
Crauia of Tiahuunaco, '2'6'i, 234. 
Cree, Daviil, printer, 4G. 
Crukshank, .lo.sepli, printer, 28, 30. 
Cunningham, Henry W., appointed 

a teller, 132. 
Currency. Set Paper money. 
Cu.sliing, Harry A., "History of the 

Transition from Pi'uvincial to 

ConnnonweaUh Covennnent, " 

Ci2/(, tJ3/(, I'.in. 
C4l,shinn family, ()()/(. 
Cuzeo, 232. 

D. 

Daneau, J.aml.ert, 200, 201. 

Darrel, John, view a.s to exorcism, 
20 1. 

Davis, AndreNv Mel^., ((luilifica- 
tioiis of candidates for meniher- 
ship, 4; 'i'iu: Shays liebellion, 
a rolitieal Aftermatli, ft, 57-79; 
Vice-President, re-elee,t(;d, 133; 
Council report, 138-145; antiqua- 
rian aspect of (jld building, and 
beauty of new commodious lire- 
proof structure, 138, Pi'.l; tribute 
to C. A. Chase, 140; joint jjubli- 
cation of Mather l)iaries, 140- 
143; distribution of Tiansactions, 
144, 145; committee to publish 
Mather Diaries, 111; John 
and Elina Davis Fund, 157. 

Davis, Edwaril L., meiiiber of the 
Council, 133; Isaac and I'^dward 
L. Davis l'\md; 157, 

Davis, Mrs. I'jliza, John and Eliza 
Davis l'\uid, 157. 

Davis, Horace, John and Eliza 
Davis Eiind, 157. 

Davis, Isaa<", Isaac and Edward L. 
Davis ]''und, 157. 

Davis, John, John and Eliza Davis 
Fund, 157. 

Davis, John C. H., John and i'jli/a 
Davis Fund, 157. 

Day, Matthais, printer, 37. 

De L'Isle, (astronomei), 322, 323. 

Dereims, A., 243, 250. 

Dcschnef, Simeon, 312, 33t). 

Dewey, Francis J I., I'und, 157. 

Dewey, Francis 11., gift to Centen- 
nial Fund, 155. 

Dexter, Emily Loud (Sanford), 10. 

Dexter, L'rankliu B., Secretary for 
Foreign Correspondence, re- 
elected, 133. 



Dexter, Morton, death announced, 
(J; obituaiy of, 10; editor, Cou- 
gregationalist, 10, 

Dixon, George, 335. 

Dodge, Daniel, printer, 40, 

Dodge, I'JIiza D., Fund, 157. 

Doe, Charles H, 149. 

Douglass , — , printer, 43. , 

Dow, George F., report of nomina- 
ting connnittee, 133. 

Drake, Sir Francis, 307, 312. 

Dudley, Paul, 78. 

Dudley, ff'o". Joseph, 75, 77, 79. 

Dun, Alexander L., 221), 229. 

Du Simitiere, Pierre E., 23. 



E. 



Earle, John M., 146, 149. 

Earle, Patience, 146. 

Earle, Pliny, 140. 

ICaton, William, Hull-JOaton Cor- 
resiJondencL' thuiug the: l'I\i)edi- 
(ion again.-;!, 4'ripoli, 1.S04-1805, 
edited by C. H, Lincoln, 105- 
129; Consul to Tunis, 105; secur<id 
j)eace between IJ, S, and Tripoli, 
106; calendar of Irl.lers, 107-116; 
letters of, to 1. Hull, 119, 122- 
127; fac-simile of letter of wishing 
assistance in Ilistoi'y of Tripolitaii 
Wai', toC, Prentice, opposite 119. 

l.ijdes, IL.'iuy H,, oilers vote to pub- 
lish Mather Diaries, 140, 

lOklerkin, — , printer, 39. 

Elizabeth, of England, and wil(4i- 
craft, 195, 196/;, 200, 202, 203, 
206, 207. 

Elizabeth, N. J., jn-ess, 32, ;i4, 39, 
44., 

Elizabeth Daily J(jurnal, 32. 

Ellis, George E., Fund, 157. 

Engi'l, Samuel, 329. 

lOngland, wilclici:ift in, 191-215. 

Engler, Eilnumd A., 150. 

Essex Institute, 172. 



l'\ 



Fairfax, Edward, 207/!, 214//. 
Farmers' Jouriuil, and Newton 

Advertiser, 48, 
Farqnhar, James, 114, 124, 125. 
Far<inliar, Ll. llichard, 109. 
I'Vdi'ral Post, 36. 
Federal Post, or, the Trenton 

Weekly Mercury, 36. 
Federal Republican, 39. 
Federalist, 35. 



Index. 



343 



Federalist: New Jertsey Gazette, 
.'57. 

Federulist, and New Jei'Hoy Slate 
Gazette, 'S7. 

Fi.sli, Carl Russell, cleeted a mem- 
ber, 4. 

Flint implements, 230. 

Ford, Wortliington C, committee 
to report eligible members, G; 
Journal ol' the House of Represen- 
tatives, 1715, 77; representative of 
Massachusetts HisUirical Society 
Committee to publish Mather 
Diaries, 141. 

Fortsteinann, ICrnst, 97, 90. 

Foster, Alfred D., Foster papers 
deposited by, 1(J9. 

Foster, Dwight, letters and journals 
of, acquired, 1()9, 170. 

Foster, I'eregrine, letters of, 170. 

Foster, Roger, gift of Foster papers, 
170. 

Foster, Theodore, letters of, 170. 

Foster, William E., gift to Centen- 
nial Fund, 155. 

Foster [)apers, acquisition of, ](J9, 
170. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 17, 20, 2Grt, 
42, 55, 50, 274; partnership with 
James Parker, IS, 19 and his let- 
ters to, 24-20. 

Franklin, Sir John, 337, 338. 

Franklin, Gov. William, 25, 2Gft. 

Freneau, Philip, printer, 41, 44, 47, 
54. 

Frobisher, Martin, 304. 

Fuca, Juan de, 322, 332. 

Fuentes, Barto!om6 de, 322, 325, 
320, 330. 

Funds of the Society, condition, 
157; special gifts, 155, 157; con- 
sokKlation, 157m. 

Furlani, Paulo de, 300, 302. 

"Fusauy" (north-west America) 
325, 320. 



G. 



Gage, Homer, teller, 4. 

Gage, Mary Alice (Chase), 149. 

Gage, Thomas II., Jr., 149. 

Gaine, Hugh, printer, 20; mystery 
of Revolutionary numbers of 
New York Gazette, 45, 40; con- 
fiscation of his property, 40. 

Gama, Joze da, 320, 322. 

Garver, Austin S., appointed a teller 
132; gift to Centeiuiial Fund, 155. 



Genius of Liberty, 43. 

(jenius of Liberty, and New Hruns- 
\vick Advertiser, 35. 

Gilbert, Sir Huu])jhrey, 301. 

Gilnian, Mrs. iSradley, gift of l^os- 
ter papers, 170. 

Goddard, William, printt:!-, ;J0. 

(!old;--borougli, Charl(;s, 109, 121. 

Gomez, Pedro, 281, 283. 

Gould, Stephen, printer, 40. 

Government, dissatisfaction with. 
See' Shays's Rebellion. 

Gray, C'apl. Robeit, 335. 

(Jreen, Elizabeth (Swell), 8. 

tireen, Samuel A., 4; Gralon His- 
torical Series, (J5/i; report of 
nominating committee, 133; Vice- 
President, re-elected, 133; gift 
to Centennial Fund, 155. 

Green, Samuel Swell, Council re- 
port, 2, 0-9; description of new 
building, 7, and of former build- 
ings, 8, 9; member of the Coun- 
cil, 133; obituary of C. A. Chase, 
140-150, and minute at Council 
meeting, 150-152. 

Green, Thomas, printer, 20. 

"Gruenlant" (Greenland), 293. 

Grynaeus, Simon, 298. 

Guardian, or. New Urusnwick Ad- 
vertiser, 34. 

Guignea, C. L. Joseph de, 325, 320. 

Gvozdef, Mikhail, 327. 

H. 

Hales, John, 214. 

Hall, (J. Stanley, member of the 
Council, 133; obituary of C. D. 
Wright, 152-154. 

Hamilton, Alexander, 31; descrip- 
tion of iiun-icane, 30; Federalist, 
35. 

Hansen, Joseph, "Zauberwahn und 
ll('.\enprozess, " 191/(., 192/i. 

ilarnsni^tl, Sanmel, Abp. of York, 
conUunpt of superstitions, 205. 

Hart, Albert B., Centennial Anni- 
versary Committee, 5. 

Hartley, Ethvartl, 20tirt, 

Harvard, John, 203. 

Harvard College, 12, 13; classmates 
of C. A. Chase, 1855, 147; Span- 
ish American collection Irom, 
107-109. 

Harvard College Library, 23, 48. 

Harvey, Gabriel, 214. 

Haven, Frances W., Fund, 157. 



344 



American Anilquarian iSocuiy. 



Haven, Samuel F., 8; Saimiel F. 
Haven Fuiul, 157. 

Haynes, (J(!orp;i; 11. , Publi.slung 
Conmiiltec, j;5t. 

llcarne, yainuel, 330, 333, 335, 33G, 
337. 

Hcniiano cle 'i'oledo, Diego, 303. 

Ili'iTeia, x\ntonio de, 307. 

Hildietli, Richard, unrivalled value 
of work, 207. 

Hill, lienjaniin T., Auditor, re- 
eiec(cd, 1,31; re|jorl, as Auditor, 
150. 

Hohlu'H, '^riionia.y, and witcheraft, 
210. 

Holland, Josiah G., "The Bay 
Path," 187. 

Holt., John, printer, 20. 

Honiann, Johaini l?aptint, 317. 

Homem, Diego, 307. 

Hooker, I'honias, 203. 

Hopkins, Kliot, printer, 48. 

Hopkins, George F., printer, 31, 35. 

Hopkins, Matthew, 207. 

House of Commons, 23. 

Houston, William C, 28. 

Huan-kolla, 229. 

Huata, 220, 225, 230. 

Hudson, Henr}', 307. 

Hull, Isaac, llull-l']aton Corre- 
spondence during tli(,' lilxpedition 
against Tripoli 1S(J1-I805, edited 
by C. H. Lincoln, 105-129; cal- 
endar of letters, 107-1 Iti; letters 
of, to W. Eaton, 120, 124, 127- 
129, 

Humble Ree, 149. 

llumljokit, Alexander von. Frag- 
ment, 84, with Plate ojjposite. 

Huiuiewell, James F., death an- 
nounced, 0; obituary of, 11, 12; 
Janu.'s F. Hunnewell Fund, 157. 

Huniu>w(41, Sarah M. (Farnswor(h), 
12. 

Hurt.in, William, printer, 48. 

Hutchinson, Foster, tiO. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, GO; "History 
of Massachusetts," b7/(, 70/(, 
71«, 72?(. 

1. 

Ides, Everad Ysbrandt, 315. 
Incas, 219, 224; traditions, 250- 

261. 
Indians, bibliograjjliy of, suggested, 

272, 273. 
Irving, — , 335. 
"Isabella" (Cuba), 291. 



3. 

James I., wili4icraft during hia 

reign, 200, 207«. 
Jefl'eiys, Thom.as, 323, 327. 
Jersey Clhronicle, 41, 42, 44, 54. 
Jewel, John, l?|j. (jf Salisbury, on 

witchcraft, 195, 190. 
John Carter lirowii Library, 270, 
Judaeis, Cornelius de, 303. 

K. 

Kadiak (island), 331, 338. 

Kaempfer, Englebert, 318, 325. 

Kammerer, IL, Jr., printer, 38. 

Kamts(4ia(lali, 319. 

"Kantzairki Piver, " 315. 

Katliarina, I'^mpress of Hussia, 319. 

Keim(>r, Samui4, printer, 17. 

Kempfer, sec Kaeui[)fer. 

K'eros, sacrilicial cup, 219, 243. 

King, Hobert, Euii nf Kua/ston, 
^ 82, 84. 

Kingsborough, Lord. See King, 
Hobert, Earl of Kingston. 

Kjunicutt, Leonard P., death an- 
nounced, 7; obituary of, 12, 13. 

Kittredge, George L-, on witch- 
craft, 18tj-188, 191, 190//,, 197/1, 
217. 

Klopstock, Fredericli G., Messiah, 
32. 

Knox, Henry, 31. 

Knox, VicesimuH, "Spirit of Des- 
[jotism," 43. 

Kohl, Johann Georg, "Asia and 
America, Historical Disquisi- 
tion," 284-338; sketch of, 284/t, 
account of monograi)h of, 285//. 

Kollock, Shepard, printer, 43, 44; 
career, 30-34, 52. 

Kotzebue, Otto von, 337. 

Krenitzen, Peter Jvumieh, 32B, 
327, 328. 

"Kuriliski" (Kurile islands), 31tj, 
318, 320. 

Kuskoquim (river), 338. 

ivwikhiiak (river), 338. 

L. 

Labna, portal of, presented to 
National Museum, 170. 

Lamb, John, 30. 

Laiige, Ijoreiiz, 315. 

Landa, Diego de, 96, 99, 280. 

Lane, William C, report of nomi- 
nating committee, 133. 

La Paz, Museum of, 231. , 



Index. 



345 



La I'i'ioiiMC, Jean FraiiyoiKS, 335. 

Las Casas, Hartolcjim'; de, 9G;j, 99. 

Las Casas, Guillen dc, 28L 

Lataiii', Jolin IL, elctled a Uicniber, 
4. 

Lawri'iu'C, Daniel, printer, 38. 

Lawi-enee, William, gif(. to Centen- 
nial l'\nid, 155. 

Lea, Henry C, material collected 
ui^on vvitclicraft, L3l), 191; "In- 
quisition of Spain," 191«. 

Lear, 'I'obias, negotiates peace, 
between U. S. and Tripoli, l()(i. 

Leon, Nicolas, 88, S97(., 100, 

Levasdieff, Lieut. M., 32ti, 327, 
328. 

Lewis, Joseph, diaiy, -ii't. 

Librarian's and General Fund, 157. 

Library liuilding Fund, 157. 

Library of Congress, cards deposited 
in American Antiquarian Society, 
170, 171. 

Jjibrary of theSoeiety, moved to new 
buildiiiK, 6; protection from lii-e, 
, (i, 7; Report of the Librarian, 
161-176; process of moving to 
new building, 161, and time occu- 
lted, 161; si)ecial collections, 162, 
164, 170; notable accessions, 165- 
169; list of donations, 177-184. 

T>ife Membership Fund, 157. 

Lincoln, Bishop of, 193, 194. 

Lincoln, Charles II., work on man- 
uscrii)ts disconlinuetl, 6; Ilidl- 
Eaton corres|)ond».'nce, 1801- 
1805, edited by, 105-129. 

Lincoln, Levi, Lincoln Legacy Fund, 
157^ 

Lincoln, W'aklo, presides, 1, 131, 
150; completion of new building, 
2; Centennial I'\ind, 2; selections 
from early addresses to the Soci- 
ety, 2-4; Centennial Anniversary, 
chairman of committee, 4, and 
appoints committee, 4, 5; repre- 
sents the Society in the American 
Year Book Corporation, 6; Presi- 
dent, re-elected, 132; on financial 
need of Society, 132, 133; mem- 
bers of the Society his guests, 
137; death announced of C. A. 
Chase, 150. 

Livingston, Gov. William, proposal 
to liave weekly New Jersey news- 
paper, 28. 

Local history, bibliography of, sug- 
gested, 272. 

Lok, Michael, 307. 



Lopez, 11iomas, 280, 281. 

Loudon, Samuel, 3.3. 

Lowell, Cornelia Prime (Ilaylics), 
13. 

Lowell, Francis C, death an- 
nounced, 7; (jbituary of, J 3. 

Lugtenburg, — , 311. 

Lumholtz, C^arl, So, 99. 

M. 

MacDonald, William, Centennial 
Anniversary committee, 5; Some 
Bibliographical Desideriita in 
American llistorj', 136, 26(i-276. 

Mackenzie, iVlexuiider, 335, 336, 
337. 

M'Kenzie, Alexander, jjrinter, 47, 
48. 

McMaster, John B., 268. 

MagaUiacs, Fernao de, 295. 

Magellan, ave Magalhaes. 

Magazines, American bibliografihy 
of, urg('d, 270. 

Magi(!, tlistinguished from witch- 
craft, 188-191, 202, 203. 

Maine, claim to pine; trees, 72. 

Malaspina, Alexandro, 335. 

Mallcry, Garnck, S4/t, 100. 

Mann, Jacob, printer, 42, 43. 

Manuscripts, work on, discontinued, 
6, 170; Hull-Eaton L(Uteis, 107- 
129; additions, 169, 170. 

Ma[)s, value to Society of ileposit 
by N. E. IL G. S., 139; "Asia 
and America," by J. G. Kohl, 
with 32 Maps, 284-338. 

Marble, Emily G. (Chase), 149. 

"Mare di Mangi" (nojth<'in Paci- 
fic), 302. 

"Mart> Japonicum" (Sea of Japan), 
3U). 

Marsh, Henry A., Auditor, re-elect- 
ed, 134; report as Auditor, 159. 

Martines, Joan, 304. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 
10, 11, 13, 23, 268; meeting of 
American Antiquarian Society 
at building of, 1; Proc(;eding3, 
26/t,- publication with A. A. S. 
of Mat tier Diaries, 140-143, 172. 

Massachusetts, House of Repre- 
sentatives, beginning of the Jour- 
nal, 73-79. 

Massachusetts Spy, 60, 65. 

Mather, Cotton, "Magnalia," 68/i; 
publication of Diaries of, 140- 
143, 172, 268; portrait of, 172, 
173; and witchcraft, 204, 208. 



'Mi) 



ntcrictni A nliiiiatridii Suciclij. 



Mallior, liicn'asc, j)iibli(:al,ii>ii of 
Diaries ul, 1-10-143; |)orLruil of, 
172, 173; aiul witchcraft, 201, 
204, 208. 

Maliicr, Nathaniel, pojirait of, 172. 

Mather, Ivichaiil, pcjrtrait of, 172. 

Matiicr, Samuel, of Duhliii, 172. 

Mather, Samuel, of llostoii, 172, 
173. 

Matthews, Albert, {fift to Centen- 
nial Funil, 155. 

Maiidslay, Alfred P., bC>ii, 100. 

Mayas, writing, 81, W't, 07; luun- 
ing of records, 280. 

Meares, John, 335. 

Mecom, lienjannn, prjnlei-, 20, 
25, 20. 

Mede, Josei)li, 208. 

Members, present at meeting, 1, 
131; solicited for contriljuiions, 
2-4; election of, 4. 

Meislion, John, i^rinter, 37. 

Mexico, Value of Ancient Mexican 
Mss. in the Study of the Gent'ral 
Development of Writing, by 
A. M. Tozzer, 80-98; and IJibli- 
ographj', 99-101; deslruc;tion of 
ancient Mss., 81; Spanish priests 
teaching of. lionian religion,' 88, 
95; photographic roproductions 
of Chichen-ltza, 13G, 137; Kindlier 
Light on Eaily Sjjanish Rule in 
Ameiica, by E. II. Thoinp.son, 
277-283. 

Miller,--, printer, 3'.). 

Minerva and Mi'reantile I'Jvening 
Atlvertiser, 35. 

Missett, AIuj.—, 119, 120. _ 

Mixtec-Zai)otec, codices of, 81. 

Molina, Cristobal de, 250-258. 

Molineaux, H., 307. 

Monmoul-h Cazette, 47. 

Monoliths, carved, 222, 230. 

Montaigne, Michel [•]. dc, and 
witchcraft, 213. 

Montejo, Franct-co di', 27S. 

Montt, Luis, portion of libr.ary 
acciuired, 107-lli'.i. 

Morris Acailemy, 42. 

Morris County Clazelte, 42, 43, 
44. 

Moi-riHtown,-N. J., jn-ess, 42, 43, 40. 
Library, 44. 

Morse, Jedidiah, "American Ge- 
ograpliy," 32. 

Mount riolly, N. J., pre.ss, 39. 

Mount Pleasant, N. J., press, 47. 

Miiller, CiThard Lriednch, 324. 



"Mundu Nuovo" (South America), 

295. . 
Miinster, Sebastian, ;it)4. 

N. 

Nahuas, writing, 81, 94, 98. 

Neale, Isaac, pi-inter, 38. 

N(4son, VVillian], "Some New Jersey 
Printers and Printing in tlie 
Eighteenth Contui-y," 5, 15-5G. 

Nevill, Sanuiel, 20,21. 

New American Maga/.ine, 'J I . 

New lirunswick, N. J., press, 32, 
33, 34, 35, 44. 

New ICngl'Uid, "New England's 
Placi; in the History of Witch- 
craft," by (1. L. ]5urr, 185-217. 

New Isngland Couraiit, 74. 

New England Historic CJenealogical 
Society, maps deposited willi 
A. A. S., 139. 

Now Haven, jjre.sa, 27. 

New Jersey, "Some New Jersey 
Printers and Printing in the 
I'Jighteenth Century," paper on, 
by W. Nelson, 5, 15-50; first ini- 
I)rints, 1(), 17; first pw-manent 
))rinting ollice, 17; first magazine, 
21, and newspa])er 21, 22, 
44, 45; Smith's Histcjry of, 24-27; 
first pei-manent newspaper, 2.S, 
29. 

New J(^rsey Ewleralist, 31. 

New Jersey Gazette, 28, 29, 30, 415, 
50,51,52. 

New Jersey llistcjrical Society, 4!. 

New Jei'sey Journal, 31, 39, 44, 52, 
53, 54. 

New Jersey Jcjurnal and Political 
Intelligencer, 32. 

New Jersey Magazine, and Montlil\' 
Advertiser, 35. 

New Jersey State Gazette, 37. 
! New Jersey State Library, 17, 3li. 
j N(!W York, N. Y., press of, 15, ill, 
I 17, 18, 19, 27, 30, 33, 35, \:,, 55. 

New York (l.i/.elte, 18, revived in 
VVe(4vly Posl-Hoy, 19. 

New \'ork Gazette, and the Week- 
ly Meri'ury, 45. 

New York Gazette or Weekly i'ost- 
Boy, .19, 22, 49. 

New Y'ork (Jazetteer, 33, 4(j. 

New York Gazetteer and Country 
Journal, 33. 

New York (iazcitteer ami Daily 
I'Jvening Post, 33. 

New York llistorii-d Soi-iety, 43, 1 I . 



Index. 



347 



New York J'uLilic l.ibiary, 215, 44, 
40. 

Ncwurk, N. J., press, 37, 39, 41, 45. 

Newark (itizettc and New Jersey 

• Advertiser, 39, 40, 44. 

NewKi)aj)ers, "Some New Jersey 
I'rint.ers and Printing of the IStli 
Century," by W. Nelson, 15-5(3; 
dissemination of news, 74; addi- 
tions to Society's collection, UitJ; 
American l)ibliufrra)>hy of, sug- 
gested, 2()S, 2()i). 

Newton, 4'iiomas, Bp., J3isserta- 
tion on the Prophecies, 32. 

Newton, N. J., press, 48. 

Nichols, Charles L., member of the 
Council, 133; Publishing Com- 
mittee, 134. 

Nijjhon (Jajjan), 318. 

Noble, John, "Few Notes on the 
Shays Rebellion," 57. 

Notestein, Wallace, "History of 
Witchcraft in England, 1558 
to 1718," 191/(, 2(J5«, 207/(, 211, 
215. 

O. 

U'liannon, Presley N., 107, 109, 

115, 123, 128. 
Obsidian, 228, 229, 230, 251. 
Oliva, Jean, 307. 
Oliver, Andrew, GO. 
Oliver, Peter, 00. 

Orozco y Berra, Manuel, 87/;, 100. 
Ortelius, Abraham, 301, 304. 
Ottejis, R. cind J., 320. 



Pacajes, 229, 234, 251. 

Paine, Nathaniel, 150; member of 
tlu^ Council, 133; committee to 
Ijublish Mather PJiaries, 141. 

Paine, William, Address, 1815, 4. 

Palfrey, John C, "History of New 
England," 08/t, 7l7(, 78«. 

Panahel, Antonio, 90/(, 100. 

Pajjer, scarcity of, 31, 50. 

Pa{)er money, and Shays's Re- 
bellion, 01, 05, 00, 70. 

Parker, Elisha, 17. 

Parker, James, printer, 55, 50; 
career, 17-27; letters to B. Frank- 
lin on removal of his press, 24-20. 

Parker, Samuel, 17. 

Parker, Samuel P., printer, 23, 25, 
27. 

Parkhurst, Jabes!, printer, 40. 



Parry, Sir William Edward, 337. 

Paterson, William, Laws of New 
Jersey revised, 1800, 30. 

Paterson, N. J., 39. 

Peabody Museum, jiicture Ms. of, 
88, 89«, with Plate opposite 89; 
relics sent to, 175. 

Pennington, Aaron, printer, 40. 

Pennington, Sanmel, printer, 40. 

Pennsylvania llistcjrical Society, 23. 

Perkins, William, and witchcraft, 
203, 204; place among Puritan 
ilivines, 203, 204. 

Perth Amboy, 10, 17, 21. 

Peru, Indians, elans, 235; traditions, 
252-201. 

Peter the Great, 313, 314, 315. 

l'hiladel|)liia, Penn., press, 15, 10, 
17, 27, 28, 30, 39, 55; printers 
resist lowering of wages, 40. 

Philadelphia Library Company, 23. 

Philip 11., of Spain, 256, 281. 

Phoenix, 48, 49. 

Pictme writings, Fragnient of Hum- 
boldt Collection, 84 with Plate 
opjiosite; Mendoza codcK, 84-80, 
with 4 Plates; Plate from Valadea 
ojijjosite 88; Peabody Museum, 
Ms., 88 with Plate opposite 89; 
l)honetic pictures, 90-90 with 
iigures. 

Pike, John, printer, 40. 

Pilapi, monoliths, 220. 

Pimas, 224. 

Pizarro, Francisco. 295. 

Pizarro, Pedi'o, 2()4. 

Pliny, 300. 

Political Intelligencer and New 
Jersey Advertiser, 32, 44. 

Polo, Marco, 289, 291, 292, 295. 

Ponce lie Leon, Juan, 291. 

Poole, Matthew, 208. 

Poole, William F., 185. 

Portlock, Cujit. Nathani(4, 3.35. 

Post-ollice, fric'tion with news- 
l)apei'3, 53, 54. 

Post-iider, delays, 50. 

Prange, James, printer, 35.' 

Prentice, Charles, fac-simile letter 
to, wishing assistance in History 
of Tripolitan War, from William 
Ealon, opposite 119. 

Press, "Some New Jersey Printers 
and Printing in the 18th Cen- 
tury," by \\. Nelson, 15-50; 
censorship of the press, 15, 72; 
dissemination of news, 73, 74; 
liberty of, 70/t. ... 



348 



American Aitliquaridu Socictij. 



I'riiice Society, I'uhliciition.s, 7tJ/(, 
7&ri. 

Princeton, N. J., i)re8H, 47. 

Princeton l^ucKct anil the General 
Adverl iser, 47. 

Princeton llniversit.y, Jjibrary, 44. 

Printens, ">Sonie New Jersey Piin- 
ters and Printing in the 18tli 
Century," by W. Nt'lson, 15-50; 

. resist reducLion of wagea, 4(5; 
troubles, 49-54; customs, 54, 55. 

Printing. <S'ee Press. 

Ptoleniaeus, Claudius, 289, 291, 
292, 295, 298, 299, 300. 

Public Ifecord (Jflice, I'aig., 2;i 

I'ubiisliing (Joiniiiilf t'e, 5, 134, i;:i7. 

Publishing Fund, 157. 

Pucarani, 229, 230, 250, 251. 

"Puchochotschi" (island), 310. 

Punia-Puncu, 223, 248; etymology 
of, 221. 

Purehas, Samuel, 308. 

Purchasing Funtl, 157. 

Putnam, Frederic W., 87w, 100; 
selection from cajjinet for Pea- 
body Museum, 175. 

Q. 

Qucquellc, Frederick C, printeri 

35, 30. 
Quichuas, 230, 258, 201. 
Quimsa-Chata, 219, 220, 220, 250; 

etymology of, 243. 
"(Juivira" (north-western Amer- 

ca), 290, 303. 

R. 

Rae, John, 337. 

Ramsay, David, "History of South 
Carolina," 29. 

Randolph, Edward, 08. 

Rhode Island Historical Society, 
270. 

Rice, Franklin P., Publishing Co/n- 
mittee, 134. 

Ri(4iardson, Sir James, 337. 

Rind, William, printer, 29. 

Riots, 07. 

Robinson, Jolm, 10. - 

Rotch, Abbolt L., 132. 

"Royal Proclamations relating to 
America," 0. 

Rugg, Arthur P., 150; Centennial 
Anniversary committee, 5; mem- 
ber of the Council, 133. 

Rural Magazine, 41. 

Ruscclli, Ciirolanio, 299. 



Russell, Call'!), founder Morris 
Academy, 42, anij Moriis County 
Gazette, 42. 

Russell, Henry P., printer, 43. 

Russian Acadrmy of ,Sciences, 324, 
325, 320, 327. ' 

Rutgeis College, 32. 

Ruysch, Johann, 292, 293. 



S. 



Salaries, and tlie Shays Rebellion, 
71, 72, 73. 

Salem, Mass., and witchcraft, 185, 
180, 190. 

Salisbury, Stejihen, [1] 8; contribu- 
tions to Society, 9. 

Salisliury, Stephen, (3] Salisbury 
Hldg. Fund, 157«, Salisbury 
Legacy Fund, 157; Salisbury 
Mansion FlukI, ]57/(.. 

Sanson, (Juillaume, 311. 

Saville, Marshall H., 81n, 100. 

Schellhas, Paul, 97, 100, 

Schoner, Johannes, 293, 295. 

Scot, Reginald, "Discoverie of 
VVitclxaaft," 201. 

"Sea of the West," 322. 

Selden, John, and witchcraft, 210. 

Seler, Edward, 89ft, 100, 101. 

Sewel, William, "History of the 
(^lakers," 28. 

Shaftesbury, Emi vj. See Cooper, 
A. A. 

Shay.s's Rebellion, "The Shays 
liebellion, a Political After- 
math," by A, McF. Davis, 5, 
57-79; "Ten Notes on," by 
J. Noble, 57; "Some features of'' 
by J. Smith, 57; "History of the 
Insurrection," by G. R. Minot, 
59/i. 

Shelikof, Gregor Ivanovich, 338. 

Slu'pard, Thomas, 203. 

Shernian, George, printer, 37, 38. 

Shute, Gov. Samu(4, 72, 78. 

Sieorac, John H., 107. 

Sillustani, 229, 231, 232. 

Smitli, Charles C, gift to Centen- 
nial Fund, 155. 

Smith, Jonathan, "Some features 
of Shays's Rebellion," 57. 

Smith, P., [;rinter, 48. 

Smith, Samuel, " History of New 
Jersey," printing of, 24, 25, 26. 

Smithsonian Institution, transfer 
of relics to, 175. 

"Spagnuola" (Haiti), 29], 292. 



Index. 



349 



Sjianihli-yViiicrJca, notabli-' uc-ceb- 

Bioii to collection, 167-109. 
"S[)aiii8h Rule in America, Kindlier 

Jvif^ht on," by E. II. Thouip.sou, 

VM, 277-283. 
Hl)riii(!;neld, N. J., 40. 
S(|uier, E. George, 218, 228, 237, 

202, 203. 
"Stachtan Nitada" (north-western 

America), 327. 
Staehlin von Storcksburg, Jakob, 

Stamp Act, elFect on printing, 25, 
2(). 

State Gazette and New Jeraey Ad- 
vertiser, 37. 

Sundt,— 220, 220. 

Sylvanua Ainericanus, pseudonym. 
»S'(f Nevill, Samuel. 

Synd, Johannes, 320, 327. 

T. 

Tebenkof, Mikhail Dmitrievieh, 
338. 

Teimy, Joseph A., Fund, 157. 
"iVara de Cuba" (North America), 

201. 
'Terra Nova" (Newfoundland), 

293. 
''i'erra Sanctae Crucis" (South 
America), 291, 292. 

rhevenot, Nicola.s Melchis^dec, 320. 

Thomas, Benjamin F., Local His- 
tory Fund, 157. 

Thomas, Isaiah, 50; "Accoimt of 
the American Antiquarian Soci- 
ety, 1813," 2, 3; "Comznunication 
to the Members, 1814," 3; gave 
private library to Antiquarian 
Society, 8, and erects building, 
8, 9; "History of Printing," 21, 
22, 24, 27, 74«. 

Thomas, Lsaiah, 37, 38, 55. 

Thompson, Edward II., 176; "Kind- 
lier Light on Early Siianish Rule 
in America," 130, 277-283; gift 
of photographic reijroductions 
of Chiehen-Itza, 136, 137. 

Thorn, Capt.— 122. 

Tiahuanaco, "Ruins at Tiahuana- 
co, " by A. F. Bandelier, 218- 
265; excavations prohibited, 218, 
220; Museum, 218, 219, 229; 
distinctive pottery, 218, 219, 
231; metallic fastenings, 219,228, 

. 250; etymology of, 220,222,232; 
monoliths, 220, 222, 231, 232; 
absence of houses, 220, 224, 225; 



mounds, 221, 222, 223; sculjitured 
gateway, 222, 231, 244-247; build- 
ing material, 220, 250; traditions, 
232, 233, 252-261; crania, 233, 
234; elans, 235, 230, 237. 

Titieaca Lake, 230, 259. 

Tod, James, [)riiiter, 47. 

4'olcd(j, Fi-aiicisco de, 223, 262, 
203, 204. 

Top[)an, l^obert N., "PMward Ran- 
dolph, " 68«. 

Torqueinaila, Juan de, 8S/t, 95/i, 
101. 

Toscanelli, Paolo, 289. 

Tozzer, Alfred M., "The Value of 
Ancient Mexican Manuscripts 
in the Study of the General De- 
velopment of Writing," 5, 8t)-9S; 
ami Hibliography, 99-101. 

Transactions, distriljutaon, 144, 145, 
172. 

Trenton, N. J., press, 29, 30, 43, 55. 

Trenton Daily Gazette, 38. 

Ti-enl,on Mercury, and the Weekly 
Advert iiser, 30. 

Trenton 'I'rue American, 43. 

^I'ripoii, expedition against, as given 
in Iluli-liJaton eoriespondence, 
1804-1805, 107-129. 

Tsehirikow, Cajd. A., 320, 322, 324, 
330. 

Tschuktschi, 312, 319, 327. 

Turner, l''rederick J., 275. 

4'uttle, Julius 11., Publishing Com- 
mittee, 134. 

Tuttle, William, printer, 40. 

Tyler, Moses Coit, "Literary His- 
tory of the American Revolu- 
tion," unrivalled value of, 267, 
270. 

U. 

Uakullani, monoliths, 220. 

Uhle, Max, 218, 219, 220, 229. ' 

United States Magazine, or. Gen- 
eral Repository pf Useful In- 
struction and Rational Amuse- 
ment, 41 . 

Ilros Indians, 230. 

Ustick, Stephen C, i)rinter, 39. 

Utley, Sanniel, 7, 150; obituaries, 
10-14; member of the Council, 
133. 

V. 

Valades, Diego, account of activi- 
ties of priesthood, 88, with Plate 
opposite. 



350 



American Antiquarian Society. 



Valctitini, Philipi) J. J., 88/i, %, 101. 
Vaiictiuvcr, (Idjrge, ;i35. 
Vau(^(jiuly, Kobcit, ilu, 329. 
Vinton, Alexaiidor 11., death au- 
noiinccd, 7; oljituary of, 13, 14. 
VizcayiK), iSchaatiaii, 3U7. 

W. 

Wadlin, Horace G., 153. 

Wallia, John, printer, -10. 

Warren, Jo.sepli, 73. 

Washburn, Charli's Franci.s, Fund, 
157. 

Wasliburn, Charles C, Centennial 
Anniversary Committee, 4; mem- 
ber of the Couneil, 133; Charky 
Francis Washburn li'und, 157. 

Washington, George, 30, 274; Life 
of, 32. 

Webster, Noah, 35. 

Wecden, William IJ., member of the 
Council, 133. 

Weekly Ilehearsal, 74. 

Weems, Mason L., "Life of George 
Washington," 32. 

Wendell, Barrett, committee to 
publish Mather Diaries, 141. 

West, William, "Simboleography," 
202, 203. 

Westeott, James D., printer, 47. 

Westcott, John, prinl-er, 48. 

Westminster Assembly, and witch- 
craft, 207«, 20S«. 

Williams, John H., printer, 39, 41. 

Williamsburg, Va., 29. 

Wilmington, Del., 29, 33. 

Wilson, George 1\I., printer, 3G. 

^Vilson, James J., printer, 43. 

Winship, George P., conunittee to 
rep(jrt eligible members, li; Re- 
cording Secretary, re-elected, 134; 
on A. V. Bandelier's work, 134; 
committee to puljlish Mather 
Diaries, 141. 

Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Cri- 
tical History," 79a(, and un- 
rivalled value of, 207, 2t)8; on 
witchcraft, 185; Literature of 
Witchcraft in New lOngland, 180. 

Witch, ilelinition of, by W. West, 
203. 

Witchcraft, New England's Place 
in the History of, by G. L. liurr, 
134, 185-217; remarks on, by J. 
Bryce; material collected by H. 
C. Lea, 130; in England, and on 
the Continent, 191-215. 



Witsen, Nicolas, 314, 315. 

Woodbiidge, N. J., press, 17, 19, 
22, 23, 24, 25, 20, 27. 

Wooden cups at Tialuianaco, 219, 
243. 

Woods, John, printer, 39, 40, 41. 

Woods's Newark Gazette and New 
Jersey Advertiser, 39, 42. 

Woods's Newark Gazette, and Pater- 
son Advertiser, 39, 40. 

Worcester and Providence Boating 
Co., 14G. 

Worcester Art Museimi, statue of 
Christ sent to, 170. 

Worcester County Law Libi'ary As- 
sociation, statue of Moses sent 
to, 17G. 

Worcester Gazette, 149. 

Worcester Magazine, description 
of new building, 7, 172. 

Worcester Mutual Fire insLuance 
Co., 14.(5. 

Worcester Society of Antiquity,, 
transfer of local relics to, 175. 

Worcester Spy, 149. 

Wrangell, Ferdinand Petrovich, 
338. 

Wright, Caroline E. (Harudeu), 
1.52. 

Wright, Carroll D., obituary (jf, 
by G. S. Hall, 152-154; service 
to l)ureaus of statistics and labor, 
152, 153, 154; organizes Clark 
College, 153; and juofessor in 
Claik University, 154. 

Writing, study of develo])ment, in 
ancient Mexican Mss., by A. M. 
Tozzer, 80-98. 

Y. 

Yale University, 23. 

Ys Caap (north-west(!rn cape of 
Asia), 314. 

Yucatan, e.xainples from bas-relief, 
80, 87; r(4ics from, tiansferred 
to Peabodj' and National Muse- 
ums, 175, 170; Spanish conquer- 
ors of, 278, 279; humanitarian 
decrees of King, 281; natural 
resources of, 282, 283. 

Z. 

Zagoskin, Lieut., 338. 
Zaltieri, Bolognino, 301, 302. 
Zapotecs, codex of, 81. 
Zipangu (Japan), 289, 290, 291, 
294. 



Vol. 21 



New Series 



Paiit 1 



r 






PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



Jtmcrttan jlnlitiuarian $ctticil| 






AT THE 



SEMI-ANNUAL MEETING HELD IN BOSTON 



APRIb 12, 1911 




¥' 

"*;• 



m. 



PRICE-LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 



i: 






TRANSACTIONS •:,;^\':r'.. /:■;■/,.. 

•. $?:5o 

[2.00 

2.50 

2.50 

. . . 2.50 

2.50 

:• • • 2.50 
2.50 
2.50 
2.50 
2.50 
2.50 

Note. — With the intention of giving a larger circulation to it.s puli- 
lications, the Societ}' has ciecideil to place only a nominal price on its 
volumes and has accordingly issued the above revised price-list. A full 
set of the Transactions will be sold for $55. cx), or, exchuiing voliiiue 2, 
which will probably be reprinted, for $35.00. 



Vo 


nine 


I 


. 






Vo 


lime 


2 


(out 


of 


piint) 


Vo 


ume 


3 






, 


Vo 


Liine 


4 








Vo 


unie 


5 








Vo 


ume 


6 








Vo 


ume 


7 








Vol 


ume 


8 








Vol 


ume 


9 








Vol 


ume 


10 








Vol 


ume 


1 1 








Vol 


ume 


1 2 









% 



't>: 






PROCEEDINGS 



1856-1880 (.semi-annual) . 
n. .s. 1880-1911 (semi-annual) 



each $0.50 
each 1. 00 



Note. — The Proceedings of 1839, 1S43, and 18.^9-1855 can be supplied 
only in part, since most of them are out of print. The new series of 
Proceedings, from 1880 to 1910, i]u:lude& three issues in a volume. 
Vol. XX of this series is completed by the issue for October, 1910. Tlie 
price per volume (three numbers) is $3.50; in bound form, $3.00. 
lieginning with the issue for April, 1911 (Vol. 21, No. 1), each volume 
will include two numbers, the price of which will be $j.oo in numbers, 
and $2.50 bound. ,, ;, 

* , V "■"'■',■■ 

The Society also has for sale the 1''Ollo\ving publications : 

Chandler Genealogy, by George Chandler, 1883 . . ^10.00 

Tracts relating to the Currency of, the Massachusetts 
Bay, i682-i72o,ed. by Andrew MacFarland Davis, 
1902, pp. 394 ....... 2.00 

The Confiscation of John Chandler's Estate, by Andrew 

MacFarland Davis, 1903, pp. 296 .... 1.50 



'^■:.J